* (A) : (B) HERMIONE: Where s Harry? RON: He wasn t in the classroom. HERMIONE: Prof. McGonagall was looking for him. RON: I bet she will scold him. (Hehim) scold (shehim) * 1
1 3 2 1 1. (1) : : (2) [] (1) 2 (2) 2. 2
(3) a. b. c. d. [] (3a-b) (3a) (3b) (3c) (3c) (3d) (3d) (4) : : (5) : 3
: (4) (5) 2 (6) a. b. c. d. * * * (6a) (6a) (6a) (6b-d) (6b) (6c) (6d) 1 1 (A) (A) himself Chomsky (1981) Chomsky and 4
(7) : : * (8) : : (7) (6c) () (8) (7) (8) (8) (8) 2 (9) : [] 1 : e 1 Lasnik (1993) (2001) (2005) 5
2 e ( ) 1 (8) 2 (3a) (3c) (10a-b) (10) a. b. ( /hanas//re//r//hanas+e/ ) (11) a. b. 6
c. d. * (11a) - (11b) (11b) (11c) 4 (11d) (1978) 1 (11a-c) 1 (11d) (12) : : 7
( /hasir//sase//s//hasir+ase/ ) (13) a. b. c. (13a) (13b-c) (14) a. b. c. * (14a) (14b-c) (14b) (14c) Harada (1973) 1 2 (14b-c) 2 (14b) 8
(14c) (15) : : { /* } (14c) (15) (14c) 2 (12) (15) Chomsky (1981) 9
(16) a. () b. (17) a. Harry speaks English. b. c. d. * Speaks English. It is likely that Harry will win the game. * Ron is likely that Harry will win the game. (17a) (17b) (16a) speak () () 2 (17b) 2 be likely 1 (17c) that (16a) 3 (17c) it Ron (17d) 2 (16b) 2 (17b) 3 (16) Chomsky (1981) (2001) 10
() (17b) 3. 3 3.1. Kuroda (1965) Kuroda 4 (18) (20) (22) (19) (21) (23) 4 11
(18) # e (19) # He came. (20) : : e (21) HERMIONE: Where s Harry? RON: He wasn t in the classroom. (22) [e ] (23) Harry insisted that he never used magic. (18) (19) (18) (19) (# ) (20) (23) ( Harry) (24) a. Harry 1 thinks that Ginny loves him 1. b. Harry 1 told Ron that he 1 would never come back to Hogwarts. c. * Harry 1 hates him 1. Harry ( Harry ) (24a-b) (24c) 12
(24c) Harry (B) c 5 c (25) 2 XY X Y X Y c (24c) (26) [ TP [ NP1 Harry ] [ T T [ VP [ V hates ] [ NP2 him ]]]] Harry NP 1 him NP 2 NP 1 ( TP ) NP 2 NP 1 NP 2 c (24c) (B) (B) (27) * 1 e 1 5 Chomsky (1981) Chomsky and Lasnik (1993) (2001) (2005) 13
(28) 1 [e 1 ] (24b) (28) (27) (e 1 = ) (B) 3.2. (24b-c) (27) (28) 1 (24a) (29) (29) * 1 [ e 1 ] (29) Kuroda (1965) Huang (1984) (24a) (30) 1 [ 1 ] (29) Huang (1984) () 14
(31) a. This book, Harry read. b. This book, Ron said Harry read. (31a-b) This book read 6 A A (32) (33) t 7 (32) a. What did Harry buy t? b. What do you think Harry bought t? (33) a. This is the book which Harry bought t. b. This is the book which Ron said Harry bought t. A Postal (1971) (34) a. * This professor 1, he 1 hates t 1. b. * This professor 1, he 1 thinks Ginny hates t 1. 6 Rizzi (1997) 7 x Mortal(x)Mortal x (31) (32) (33) 15
c. * Who 1 does he 1 love t 1? d. * Who 1 does he 1 think Ginny loves t 1? (34a-b) (34c-d) t (34) Huang (1984) A (35) 2 (36) (35) : : (36) TOP t (36) (TOP ) (35) (35) 8 (29) (37) (37) TOP 1 1 [ t 1 ] (B) (27) 8 16
(38) TOP 1 1 t 1 (27) (29) Huang (1984) Xu (1986) (29) (39) 1 () [ e 1 ] (39) (29) (29) (39) (34) (40) a. * This professor 1, he 1 thinks Ginny hit t 1. b. * This professor 1, he 1 said Ginny kicked t 1. c. * Who 1 did he 1 tell the teacher that Ginny punched t 1? (40) (34b, d) (39) (40) (29) Xu (1986) Xu (1986) 17
(41) : 1 : [ NP [ RC e 2 e 1 ] 2 ] ( RC ) e 1 9 Ross (1967) (42) * This book 1, Snape will punish [ NP the boys [ RC who read t 1 ]]. This book (41) (41) 1 Ross (1967) (43) This book 1, Snape will punish [ NP the boys [ RC who read it 1 ]]. (43) (42) (43) 9 (41) 1 (e2 ) 18
(41) ( pro ) 10 (44) TOP 1 [ NP [ RC e 2 pro 1 ] 2 ] (44) (43) 11 12 3.3. Xu (1986) Xu (1986) (45) : () : e (45) 10 Saito (1985) (41) 11 Huang (1984) 12 Cole (1987) Huang (1984) Huang (1984) Hasegawa (1984/85) 19
() (46) 1 pro 1 3.1 (B) (45) (45) (45) () ( (27) ) (47) * 1 e 1 (45) (47) Otani and Whitman (1991) (48) a. b. e (48a) (48b) () () ( (48a) (48b) ) 20
(48) (49) a. Harry respects his mother. b. Ron despises her. (49b) (49a) (49b) (48b) (50) a. b. (48b) 2 (51) a. b. e (51a) (51b) (52) a. Harry and Ginny respect each other. 21
b. Ron and Hermione despise them. (53) a. b. (52a) (53a) (52b) (53b) (50b) (51b) (52b) (53b) (51b) (45) (48) (51) Huang (1991) Kim (1999) Oku (1998) Otani and Whitman (1991) Oku (1998) Kim (1999) 13 (45) (48) (51) (54) : () : () (55) a. b. (56) a. b. 13 Huang (1991) Otani and Whitman (1991) Kim (1999) Oku (1998) Takahashi (2008a) 22
() 14 (55b) () (54) () (56b) (56a) (56b) 3.1 Hankamer and Sag (1976) () (57) HANKAMER: I m going to stuff this ball through this hoop. SAG: It s not clear that you ll be able to. (58) [Hankamer attempts to stuff a 9-inch ball through a 6-inch hoop.] SAG: # It s not clear that you ll be able to. (57) stuff this ball through this hoop (58) 14 Chomsky and Lasnik (1991) Sag (1976) Merchant (2001) Williams (1977) Chung, Ladusaw, and McCloskey (1995) Oku (1998) Saito (2007) 23
15 Oku (1998) (59) a. b. (59a) ( ) (59a) (59b) (59b) (59b) (60) a. b. {/} (60b) (60) 15 Hankamer and Sag (1976) 24
(61) a. A wizard came to Harry s house yesterday. b. He came to Ron s house, too. He (61b) (59b) (59b) (60b) (61b) (59) (62) a. b. (62b) (59b) 16 (2004) Saito (2007) Takahashi (2008b) (63) a. () 3 b. (63a) 3 ( ) (63b) 16 25
(63b) 3 (64) a. () 3 b. (63b) (63b) (64b) (63b) (63) 3 2 (63) (63b) 2 3 (63b) (64b) (63) (65) a. () 3 b. 3 3 3 2 3 17 17 (63b) 3 26
3.3 (B) (27) (66) (66) * 1 e 1 (B) (66) (B) (66) (66) 18 (67) 1 1 c (C) 19 (C) 18 Kim (1999) 19 c (25) (C) Chomsky (1981) Chomsky and Lasnik (1993) (2001) (2005) 27
(68) a. * He 1 criticized Harry 1 s mother. b. c. d. One of his 1 teachers criticized Harry 1 s mother. * Harry 1 said Harry 1 would quit school. His 1 uncle said Harry 1 would quit school. (68a, c) Harry He Harry c (68b, d) Harry Harry c (67) c (C) (67) 20 (69) () (66) (67) (C) (67) (69) (69) 2 2 (70) 1 { 1 / 1 } 20 Hoji (1998) Lasnik (1991) 28
(67) 2 (69) (67) (67) (69) 21 (69) 2 2 (C) ( (68c) ) (67) 2 22 (66) 23 2 21 Evans (1980) Fiengo and May (1994) Higginbotham (1983) Reinhart (2006) 22 23 29
1. / 3 (48) (71) (71) a. b. e (71b) () 24 (50) (50) (72) (72) a. b. (72b) (71) 2 Fiengo and May (1994) vehicle change () Fiengo and May (1994) 24 Oku (1998) 30
(73) a. * Mary hit John 1 and he 1 did, too. b. Mary hit John 1 and he 1 did hit John 1, too. (73a) (73b) (73b) (73b) John he c (C) (74) (74) Mary loves John 1, and he 1 thinks that Sally does, too. (73a) (73a) (75) Mary loves John 1, and he 1 thinks that Sally does love John 1, too. John he c (74) Fiengo and May (1994) (74) (76) (76) Mary loves John 1, and he 1 thinks that Sally does love him 1, too. 31
(75) him (B) him (76) (74) John him 25 (73) (73a) (73b) (77) Mary hit John 1 and he 1 did hit him 1, too. (B) (73a) 1 (78) (78) Max hit himself before Oscar did. (Max hit himself before Oscar hit Max.) (Max hit himself before Oscar hit Oscar himself.) (78) 25 (73a Mary hit John 1 and he 1 did hit himself 1, too Fiengo and May (1994) Oku (1998) 32
(79) Max hit himself before Oscar did hit himself. (80) Fiengo and May (1994) (80) Max 1 hit himself 1 before Oscar did hit him 1. Max himself him (71) (81) a. 1 1 b. 1 (81b) (80) (81b) (72b) (72) (82) (82) a. 1 [ 1 ] 2 b. 2 (82b) (82a) () 33
(C) (83) * Ginny 1 thinks he 2 criticized [her 1 father] 2. her father he c (C) (82) (76) (59) (63) 3 2 (84) (85) (84) a. b. (85) a. () 3 b. 1 3.3 (84b) (85b) 3 3 34
1 3.3 (60) (64) (86) (87) (86) a. b. {/} (87) a. () 3 b. (86) / (87) 3 2. 1 Oku (1998) (88) a. María cree que su propuesta será aceptada. Maria believes that her proposal will.be accepted 35
b. Juan también cree que e será aceptada. Juan also believes that will.be accepted (88a) (88b) Oku (1998) hablar (89) hablo hablamos hablas habla habláis hablan 26 1 3.3 (88b) Şener and Takahashi (2010) () 26 Jaeggli and Safir (1989) 36
okumak (90) okuyorum okuyoruz okuyorsun okuyor okuyorsunuz okuyorlar (91) a. Can [oğl-u İngilizce öğren-iyor diye] bil-iyor. John son-his English learn-pres COMP know-pres b. Filiz-se [e Fransızca öğren-iyor diye] bil-iyor. Phylis-however French learn-pres COMP know-pres (92) a. Can anne-si-ni eleştir-di. John mother-his-acc criticize-past b. Filiz-se e öv-dü. Phylis-however praise-past (91) (92) (91b) (91a) (92a) (92b) (91b) 37
(92b) Saito (2007) Takahashi (2014) 27 2 2 (93) a. * Am a student. (cf. I am a student.) b. * Harry said would quit school. (cf. Harry said he would quit school.) (94) (94) a. * I like. (cf. I like it.) 27 Saito (2007) Oku (1998) Takahashi (2014) 38
b. * Harry said Ginny criticized. (cf. Harry said Ginny criticized him.) Huang (1984) Jaeggli and Safir (1989) Chomsky (1995, 2000) Chomsky (2000) (95)... F {φ}... DP {φ, Case}... φ F φ DP F DP φ DP φ F DP F F 39
(96) a. Harry seems to have been put in prison. b. T seem to have been put Harry in prison. (96a) Harry (96b) Chomsky (2000) T Harry Chomsky (1995, 2000) (97a) (97) a. * Harry seems it was told that his mother was ill. b. T seem it was told Harry that his mother was ill. (97a) Harry (97b) Harry it (96) (97) 28 (98) a. We believe Harry to be certain to be put in prison. b. we v believe to be certain to be put Harry in prison. (99) a. * We believe Harry to be certain that it will be told that his mother is ill. b. we v believe to be certain that it will be told Harry that his mother is ill. (98a) Harry (98b) v Harry 28 Lasnik (1999) 40
(99a) (97a) (99b) Harry it (99a) Fukui (1988) Kuroda (1988) 1 (1 ) 1 1 Kuno (1973) (100) Saito (1985) () 1 2 1 1 Fukui and Takano (1998) Takahashi (1996) 41
1 1 2 1 3 3 2 1 2 2 Chomsky (1981) 42
(2005) Chomsky, Noam (1981) Lectures on Government and Binding. Dordrecht, Foris. Chomsky, Noam (1995) Categories and Transformations, The Minimalist Program, 219-394, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Chomsky, Noam (2000) Minimalist Inquiries: The Framework, Step by Step: Essays on Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik, ed. by Roger Martin, David Michaels, and Juan Uriagereka, 89-155, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Chomsky, Noam and Howard Lasnik (1993) The Theory of Principles and Parameters, Syntax: An International Handbook of Contemporary Research, ed. by Joachim Jacobs, Arnim von Stechow, Wolfgang Sternefeld, and Theo Vennemann, 506-569, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin and New York. Chung, Sandra, William Ladusaw, and James McCloskey (1995) Sluicing and Logical Form, Natural Language Semantics 3, 239-282. Cole, Peter (1987) Null Objects in Universal Grammar, Linguistic Inquiry 18, 597-612. Evans, Gareth (1980) Pronouns, Linguistic Inquiry 11, 337-362. Fiengo, Robert and Robert May (1994) Indices and Identity, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Fukui, Naoki (1988) Deriving the Differences between English and Japanese: A Case Study in Parametric Syntax, English Linguistics 5, 249-270. Fukui, Naoki and Yuji Takano (1998) Symmetry in Syntax: Merge and Demerge, Journal of East Asian Linguistics 7, 27-86. Hankamer, Jorge and Ivan Sag (1976) Deep and Surface Anaphora, Linguistic Inquiry 7, 391-428. Harada, S.-I. (1973) Counter Equi NP Deletion, Annual Bulletin 7, 113-147, Research Institute of Logopedics and Phoniatrics, University of Tokyo. Hasegawa, Nobuko (1984/85) On the So-Called Zero Pronouns in Japanese, The Linguistic Review 4, 289-342. Higginbotham, James (1983) Logical Form, Binding, and Nominals, Linguistic 43
Inquiry 14, 395-420. Hoji, Hajime (1998) Null Object and Sloppy Identity in Japanese, Linguistic Inquiry 29, 127-152. Huang, C.-T. James (1984) On the Distribution and Reference of Empty Pronouns, Linguistic Inquiry 15, 531-574. Huang, C.-T. James (1991) Remarks on the Status of the Null Object, Principles and Parameters in Comparative Grammar, ed. by Robert Freidin, 56-76, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Jaeggli, Osvaldo and Kenneth J. Safir (1989) The Null Subject Parameter and Parametric Theory, The Null Subject Parameter, ed. by Osvaldo Jaeggle and Kenneth J. Safir, 1-44, Kluwer, Dordrecht. Kim, Soowon (1999) Sloppy/Strict Identity, Empty Objects, and NP-Ellipsis, Journal of East Asian Linguistics 8, 255-284. Kuno, Susumu (1973) The Structure of Japanese Language, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Kuroda, S.-Y. (1965) Generative Grammatical Studies in the Japanese Language, Doctoral dissertation, MIT. Kuroda, S.-Y. (1988) Whether We Agree or Not: A Comparative Syntax of English and Japanese, Linguisticae Investigationes 12, 1-47. Lasnik, Howard (1991) On the Necessity of Binding Conditions, Principle and Parameters in Comparative Grammar, ed. by Robert Freidin, 7-28, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Lasnik, Howard (1999) Minimalist Analysis, Blackwell, Malden, MA. Merchant, Jason (2001) The Syntax of Silence: Sluicing, Islands, and the Theory of Ellipsis, Oxford University Press, Oxford. (2001) Oku, Satoshi (1998) A Theory of Selection and Reconstruction in the Minimalist Perspective, Doctoral dissertation, University of Connecticut. Otani, Kazuyo and John Whitman (1991) V-Raising and VP-Ellipsis, Linguistic 44
Inquiry 22, 345-358. Postal, Paul (1971) Cross-over Phenomena, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York. Reinhart, Tanya (2006) Interface Strategies. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Rizzi, Luigi (1997) Fine Structure of the Left Periphery, Elements of Grammar, ed. by Liliane Haegeman, 281-337, Kluwer, Dordrecht. Ross, John Robert (1967) Constraints on Variables in Syntax, Doctoral dissertation, MIT. Sag, Ivan A. (1976) Deletion and Logical FormDoctoral dissertation, MIT. Saito, Mamoru (1985) Some Asymmetries in Japanese and Their Theoretical Implications, Doctoral dissertation, MIT. Saito, Mamoru (2007) Notes on East Asian Argument Ellipsis, Language Research 43, 203-227. Şener, Serkan and Daiko Takahashi (2010) Ellipsis of Argument in Japanese and Turkish, Nanzan Linguistics 6, 79-99. Center for Linguistics, Nanzan University. (1978) (2004) Takahashi, Daiko (1996) On Antecedent-Contained Deletion, University of Connecticut Working Papers in Linguistics 5, 65-80. Takahashi, Daiko (2008a) Noun Phrase Ellipsis, The Oxford Handbook of Japanese Linguistics, ed. by Shigeru Miyagawa and Mamoru Saito, 394-422, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Takahashi, Daiko (2008b) Quantificational Null Objects and Argument Ellipsis, Linguistic Inquiry 39, 307-326. Takahashi, Daiko (2014) Argument Ellipsis, Anti-agreement, and Scrambling, Japanese Syntax in Comparative Perspective, ed. by Mamoru Saito, 88-116, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Williams, Edwin (1977) Discourse and Logical Form, Linguistic Inquiry 8, 101-139. 45
Xu, Liejiong (1986) Free Empty Category, Linguistic Inquiry 17, 75-93. 46