九州大学学術情報リポジトリ Kyushu University Institutional Repository 英語の二重目的語構文および前置詞与格構文について : ミニマリストアプローチ 大塚, 知昇九州大学人文科学府 Otsuka, Tomonori Graduate School of Hu

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1 九州大学学術情報リポジトリ Kyushu University Institutional Repository 英語の二重目的語構文および前置詞与格構文について : ミニマリストアプローチ 大塚, 知昇九州大学人文科学府 Otsuka, Tomonori Graduate School of Humanities, Kyushu University 出版情報 : 九大英文学. 54, pp , 九州大学大学院英語学 英文学研究会バージョン : 権利関係 :

2 (1a) Goal Theme (1b) Goal (C) (DC) (1) a. I gave him a book. b. I gave a book to him. (2) Goal DC C (2) a. Jean a donné un livre à Marie. (French) Jean gave a book to Mary Jean gave a book to Mary (Amano (1998:5))

3 b. Das Mädchen shenkte dem the(nom) girl gave the(dat) boy Jungen ein Buch. (German) a book The girl gave the boy a book. (Amano (1998:359)) c A A Chomsky (2008) 1. 2 Barss & Lasnik (1986) c (3) a I showed Mary herself (in the mirror). b *I showed herself Mary (in the mirror). (4) a I gave every worker i his i paycheck. b *I gave its i owner every paycheck i. (5) a I showed each man the other s socks. b *I showed the other s friend each man. (6) a I showed no one anything. b *I showed anyone nothing. (Barss & Lasnik (1986:347-50)) (3)-(6) each other NPI C (IO) () c DC () (IO) c ((7)-(10))

4 (7) a. I showed Mary to herself (in the mirror). b. *I showed herself to Mary (in the mirror). (8) a. I gave every paycheck i to its i owner. b.??i gave his i paycheck to every worker i. (9) a. I sent each boy to the other s parents. b. *I sent the other s check to each boy. (10) a. I sent no presents to any of the children. b. *I sent any of the packages to none of the children. (Larson (1988:338)) A Wh Tough (11a)-(15a) C IO A (11b)-(15b) A (11) a. *Who did you give t a book? (Wh question) b. What did you give John t. (12) a. *This is the person who he gave t that book. (Relativization) b. This is the book which he gave the person t. (13) a. *It is John that he gave t that book. (Cleft construction) b. It is that book that he gave John t. (14) a. *John is impossible to give t that book. (Tough construction) b. That book is impossible to give John t. (15) a. *John, he gave t that book. (Topicalization) b. That book, he gave John t. (Oba (2005:61)) (11a)-(15a) C A IO (16a) IO (16b)

5 (16) a. *Who did you say John sent a friend of t a book? b. Who did you say John sent me a picture of t? (Runner (2001: 40)) DC 1 (17) a. What did you give t to John? b. Who did you give a book to t? c. To whom did you give a book t? (18) a. This is the book which he gave t to the person. b. This is the person who he gave that book to t. c. This is the person to whom he gave that book t. (19) a. It is that book that he gave t to John. b. It is John that he gave that book to t. c. It is to John that he gave that book t. (20) a. That book is impossible to give t to John. b. John is impossible to give that book to t. (21) a. That book, he gave t to John. b. John, he gave that book to t. c. To John, he gave that book t. DC A (22) a. Who did you give statues of t to all the season-ticket holders? (Postal(1974:195)) b.?who did you give the book to a friend of t? A (23) a. Tom was given the book. b.*the book was given Tom. C (23) IO (23b) IO (24)?The book was given him.

6 DC A (25) IO (25) a. The book was given to Tom. b.*tom was given the book to. (26) a. I gave every child a different candy bar. (every > a) b. I gave a different child every candy bar. (*every> a) (27) a. I gave every candy bar to a different child. (every > a) b. I gave a different candy bar to every child. (every > a) (Bruening(2010a: )) (26) C (26b) ever a candy bar DC (27) (27b) candy bar 2. C Goal (IO) Theme () DC Theme Goal IO 2. 1 Larson(1988) C (28) (29) IO

7 (28) (29) IO (Oehrle(1976)) IO (Chomsky(1981)) IO c (30) c IO (30) IO c DC DC Larson(1988) C DC c Larson(1988) c (31) DC (32) C

8 (31) (32) Spec Spec i send send IO i a letter Mary i a letter to Mary IO i t e Larson (1988) C A C IO IO IO IO 2 NP to C (31) (32) C Larson (1988)

9 A A 2. 2 Oba(2005) Oba(2005) Oba (2005) Larson(1988) DC C C IO [+human] Oba(2005) Freeze(1992) Have predicate C (33) (34) C (33) a. John sent Mary a telegram. b. *John sent France a telegram. (34) a. Bill threw John a ball. b. *Bill threw first base a ball. Freeze(1992) there Have predicate P there NP [+human] [-human] ((35)) NP [+human] P P E NP Have predicate ((36))

10 (35) IP (36) IP There I I I NP1 P NP1 P P NP2 [+/-human] P NP2 [+human] C Oba(2005) (37) (38) DC C 3 (37) vp (38) vp Sbject v Sbject v John John v v send send+ P a letter P IO P a letter P IO to Mary Mary c (36) Have predicate P

11 Oba(2005) (38) IO Thematization/Extraction (Th/Ex) Chomsky (2001) NP C IO A Oba (2005) A Th/Ex LF (38) c LF 2. 3 Bruening(2010a, b) Bruening (2010a, b) C DC C Baker (1988) Marantz (1993) Appl(icative) (39) DC (40) C (39) oicep (40) oicep Sbject oice John oice Sbject oice John oice ApplP a letter IO Mary Appl send Appl P IO to Mary a letter Bruening(2010a) R-dative shift A C IO IO ApplP to

12 R-dative shift C IO A DC IO A C IO A (39) IO( ) (40) m C IO m IO DC 4 Bruening (2010a, b) R-dative shift C IO A 3. Chomsky (2008) Chomsky (2008) Parallel Move transfer/spell-out Who saw John? (39)

13 (41) CP Who C C TP Who T T v*p Who v* saw John C DC C Richards (2010) C NP C CP v*p Appl ((42)) DC IO NP DC (43) (42) C CP phase Applicative phase v*p phase Subject IO (43) DC CP phase v*p phase Subject (IO) Richards (2007)

14 Appl Appl-v* Appl- v*p v* C DC (44) (45) (44) Appl-v*P (45) v*p Appl-v* Appl- v* IO Appl- Appl- v*p pp v* p P IO v* p IO P P IO (44) (45) TP CP (44) v* IO v*p v* Agree Appl- Appl-v* Appl-v*P Appl-v*P Appl-v* Appl-

15 v*p IO Agree IO Appl- (44) v* Appl- Appl-v* P Appl- (45) P IO p pp pp v* v*p p v* v* p p P P IO Agree IO v* Agree (45) P p v* (44) Chomsky (2008) (46) a. *Of which car did [the (driver, picture) [t cause a scandal]? b. Of which car did [they find the (driver, picture)]? c. Of which car was [the (driver, picture) awarded a prize]? (Chomsky (2008)) (46) Chomsky(2008) (46a) v*p Wh (46b,c) QP NP v*p A A transfer/spell-out A

16 transfer/spell-out (47) a. All the children have seen this movie. b. The children have all seen this movie. (Sportiche(1988:426)) (44) A (45) p (44) C P P (45) Legate(2003) ((48)) (48) Les chaises ont ete repaintes. the chairs.fem.pl have.pl. been repainted.fem.pl The chairs were repainted. (Boeckx (2008:33)) Chomsky(2008) Transfer/Spell-Out PIC

17 4. (44) (45) 4. 1 c c (44) IO (45) IO c 4. 2 A A C IO v*p A IO A ( ) ( ) P to ( ) C IO A to DC C IO A Bruening(2010a) R-dative shift

18 (49) CP P to C Wh-IO Appl-v*P Appl-v* Appl- Appl- v*p P Wh-IO v* Appl-v* v* C DC IO A C IO DC IO C IO A C P to IO IO

19 4. 3 A A T A C Appl-v* Appl-v v* v* IO CP T v* v*p DC T v* v CP C T T Agree p v C IO P

20 (50) CP (51) CP C TP C TP T Appl-v*P T vp Appl-v Appl- v Appl- v*p pp v* p P IO v* p P IO C C IO c IO v* IO v IO TP IO IO (23b) (24) (52) a.*the book was given Tom. b.?the book was given him.

21 (52) IO (52) IO A (52b) (52a) DC IO c IO DC IO 5. Chomsky(2008) C DC c A A 1 (20) (c) 2 Larson(1988) C IO C IO IO TP 3 Oba(2005) DC

22 DC Oba(2005) 4 References Amano, Masachiyo (1998) Eigo Nijumokutekigokobun no Togo Kozo ni Kansuru Seiseirironteki Kenkyu (A Generative Approach to the Syntactic Structure of Double Object Constructions in English), Eichosha, Tokyo. Baker, Mark C. (1988) Incorporation: A Theory of Grammatical Function Changing, University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Barss, Andrew and Howard Lasnik (1986) A Note on Anaphora and Double Objects, Linguistic Inquiry 17, Bruenning, Benjamin (2010a) Double Object Constructions Disguised as Prepositional Datives, Linguistic Inquiry 41, Bruenning, Benjamin (2010b) Ditransitive Asymmetries and a Theory of Idiom Formation, Linguistic Inquiry41, Chomsky, Noam (2001) Derivation by Phase, Ken Hale: A Life in Language, ed. by Michael Kenstowicz, 1-52, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Chomsky, Noam (2008) On Phases, Fundational Issues in Linguistic Theory, ed. by Freidin et al, , MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Larson, Richard K. (1988) On the Double Object Construction, Linguistic Inquiry 19, Oba, Yukio (2005) The Double Object Construction and Thematization/Extraction, English Linguistics 22, Pesetsky, David Michael (1995) Zero Syntax: Experiences and Cascades MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts Postal (1974) On Raising: One Rule of English Grammar and its Theoretical Implications, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Richards, Marc D. (2007) On Feature Inheritance: An Argument from the Phase Impenetrability Condition, Linguistic Inquiry 38, Richards, Norvin (2010) Uttering Trees MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

23 Roberts, Ian (2010) Agreement and Head Movement, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Runner, Jeffrey T. (2001) The Double Object Construction at the Interfaces, Sportiche, Dominique (1988) A Theory of Floating Quantifiers and Its Corollaries for Constituent Structure, Linguistic Inquiry 19,

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