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1 Sociedade Japonesa e Migrantes Brasileiros Novos Caminhos na Formação de uma Rede de Pesquisadores Centro de Estudos Lusófonos Universidade Sofia Editado por Chiyoko Mita Hugo Córdova Quero Aaron Litvin Sumiko Haino

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3 Sociedade Japonesa e Migrantes Brasileiros Novos Caminhos na Formação de uma Rede de Pesquisadores Centro de Estudos Lusófonos Universidade Sofia Tokyo 2008 Editado por Chiyoko Mita Hugo Córdova Quero Aaron Litvin Sumiko Haino

4 2008 Center for Lusophone Studies, Sophia University All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, no part of this book or papers thereof may be reprinted or reproduced in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Center for Lusophone Studies of Sophia University. Printed in Japan All photographs, graphics and tables were prepared by the authors of the respective articles, unless indicated otherwise. All translations were prepared by the authors of the respective articles or the editors, unless indicated otherwise. The editors wish to express their gratitude to Professor Mauro Neves for his help in correcting several translations of material contained in this book, as well as to Professor Helena Hisako Toida for her revisions of the translations of the Preface and the Opening Session lecture. Cover design & layout: Kohji Shiiki Center for Lusophone Studies Central Library Building, 6 Floor, Room L-612 Sophia University Director of the Center: Mauro Neves 7-1 Kioi-cho, Chiyoda-ku Tokyo, Japan Phone & Fax: [email protected]

5 ÍNDICE iii Prefácio: Sociedade Japonesa e Migrantes Brasileiros - Novos Caminhos na Formação de uma Rede de Pesquisadores Chiyoko Mita vii Conferência de Abertura do Workshop: Temas a Serem Resolvidos nos Estudos sobre os Brasileiros Residentes no Japão Hiroshi Komai Atividades 5 6 Considerações 7 Primeira parte: Globalização Os Nipo-brasileiros Mudam a Administração Local - Oizumi: Uma Experiência de Convivência Multicultural Mari Masuyama 11 A Educação dos Decasseguis Brasileiros sob a Globalização e Neoliberalismo: Os exemplos de Honjo e de Kamisato em Saitama Yuko Takeuchi 16 Remessas de Brasileiros Residentes no Japão e Imigrantes Latino-americanos nos Estados Unidos: Um Estudo Comparativo Kenichiro Matsui 23 Econômicas das Remessas Conduzidas por Decasseguis Brasileiros e sua Conversão no País de Origem Kumi Fujikawa 30 Imigrantes Japoneses no Brasil e Decasseguis Brasileiros no Japão: A Continuidade do Imaginário da Migração vs. Realidade Pauline Cherrier 37 Fundamentais do Ponto de vista da Teoria Financeira Local a Respeito das Tendências Recentes dos Trabalhadores Migrantes Brasileiros e Peruanos e de suas Famílias Keiichi Yamazaki e Tomomitsu Uchida 44 Aquisição da Cidadania Local pelos Nikkeis Sul-americanos: O Caso da Associação Japonesa-Peruana - AJAPE Marcela I. Méndez Vázquez 49

6 iv ÍNDICE 8 A 9 Examinando Segunda parte: Cultura e Identidade Significação do Carnaval na Sociedade Japonesa: Considerações sobre o Carnaval em Oizumi, Gunma e em Hamamatsu, Shizuoka Akiko Koda 63 a Formação da Identidade dos Residentes Brasileiros no Japão através de Performances Culturais: O Caso do Grupo de Dança Brasil em Toyohashi, Aichi Tamaki Watarai 68 Adaptação Social e Econômica dos Migrantes Brasileiros no Japão Aaron Litvin 74 O Papel da Religião no Processo da Adaptação dos Nipobrasileiros à Sociedade Japonesa: O Caso da Igreja Católica Romana Hugo Córdova Quero 79 Migrantes Brasileiros em Yaizu, Shizuoka, Japão Um Perfíl Sócio-Econômico Roberto Maxwell 91 Luz Lateral: Uma Introspecção Visual sobre Imigrantes Brasileiros no Japão do Ponto de Vista de um Imigrante Brasileiro no Japão Ricardo Yamamoto 102 Terceira parte: Educação Crianças Brasileiras no Japão e Educação Japonesa: O Problema de Semi-língua e a Perspectiva da Educação Multicultural Yuki Hagiwara 113 Sobre a Problemática da Aprendizagem da Linguagem dos Alunos Brasileiros no Shoogakoo Vivian Bussinguer S. de Andrade 120 Uma Proposta para Construção de um Sistema Educacional para Brasileiros da Segunda Geração Baseada em Estudos sobre os Estudantes das Escolas Brasileiras no Japão Sumiko Haino 127 Apêndice: Filmes apresentados no workshop 135

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8 vi CONTENTS Foreword: Japanese Society and Brazilian Migrants: New Paths in the Formation of a Researchers Network Chiyoko Mita vii Opening Session of the Workshop: The Issues to be Resolved in Studies about Brazilian Residents in Japan Hiroshi Komai 3 FIRST PART: GLOBALIZATION 1 Japanese Brazilians Change the Local Administration - Oizumi: An Experience of Multicultural Coexistence Mari Masuyama 11 2 The Education of Brazilian Dekassegui under Globalization and Neoliberalism: The Cases of Honjo and Kamisato in Saitama Prefecture Yuko Takeuchi 16 3 The Remittances of Brazilian Dekassegui Residents in Japan and Latina/o Immigrants in the United States: A Comparative Study Kenichiro Matsui 23 4 Remittance Economic Activities Conducted by Brazilian Dekassegui and their Conversion in the Home Country Kumi Fujikawa 30 5 Japanese Immigrants in Brazil and Brazilian Dekasseguis in Japan: Continuity of Migration s Imaginary vs. Reality Pauline Cherrier 37 6 Fundamental Considerations from Point of View of Local Financial Theory Concerning the Recent Trends of the Brazilian and Peruvian Migrant Workers and Their Families Keiichi Yamazaki and Tomomitsu Uchida 44 7 South American Nikkeijin Acquision of Local Citizenship: The Case of the Japanese-Peruvian Association - AJAPE Marcela I. Méndez Vázquez 49 SECOND PART: CULTURE AND IDENTITY 8 The Significance of the Samba Carnival in Japanese Society: Considerations on the Samba Carnival in Oizumi, Gunma and Hamamatsu, Shizuoka Akiko Koda 63 9 Examining the Identity Formation of Brazilians in Japan through Cultural Performances: The Case of the Dance Group Brasil in Toyohashi, Aichi Tamaki Watarai The Social and Economic Adaptation of Brazilian Migrants in Japan Aaron Litvin The Role of Religion in the Process of Adaptation of Brazilian of Japanese Ancestry to Japanese Society: The Case of the Roman Catholic Church Hugo Córdova Quero Brazilian Migrants in Yaizu, Shizuoka, Japan A Socio-Economic Profile Roberto Maxwell Sidelight - A Visual Insight About Brazilian Immigrants to Japan from the Perspective of Another Brazilian Immigrant to Japan Ricardo Yamamoto 102 THIRD PART: EDUCATION 14 Brazilian Children in Japan and Japanese Education: The Problem of Semi-lingua and a Perspective of Multicultural Education Yuki Hagiwara Concerning the Issues of Language Learning among Brazilian Students at Elementary Schools Vivian Bussinguer S. de Andrade A Proposal to Build an Educational System of Brazilian s Second Generation Based on Studies Conducted among Students at the Brazilian Schools in Japan Sumiko Haino 127 Appendix: Films projected at the workshop 135

9 PREFÁCIO vii Sociedade Japonesa e Migrantes Brasileiros: Novos Caminhos na Formação de uma Rede de Pesquisadores Chiyoko Mita Directora - Centro de Estudos Luso-Brasileiros, Universidade Sofia Com a reforma da lei de imigração do Japão em 1990, um grande número de latinoamericanos, especialmente do Brasil, começou a se estabelecer no Japão. Nosso país recebeu uma numerosa população estrangeira em curto período nunca antes visto. Além disso, por ser a maioria desses novos estrangeiros vindos da América Latina e sendo sua cultura diferente da Ásia, tornou-se um destaque na sociedade japonesa. O aumento desse número e a sua aparição em várias cenas dentro da sociedade, estão começando a surgir os problemas latentes. Essa nova experiência de os japoneses viverem em contato diário com os estrangeiros cuja cultura difere da japonesa tem, ao mesmo tempo, a necessidade de solucionar inúmeros problemas, sendo realizadas várias pesquisas ao longo desses 20 anos. Após 1908, ano do início da imigração japonesa para o Brasil, o intercâmbio entre o povo japonês e o brasileiro nunca foi interrompido, excluindo o período da Segunda Guerra Mundial. O movimento desses dois povos não tem sido somente unilateral nesses 100 anos. Em 1984, o número de imigrantes foi superado pelo de emigrantes no Brasil, entrando na fase da diáspora e um dos destinos da emigração foi o Japão. Na década de 80, a direção do movimento das pessoas mudou-se do Brasil para o Japão. Mesmo assim, desde o seu reconhecimento pelo mundo há 500 anos, o Brasil, a exemplo dos Estados Unidos, veio aceitando vários grupos étnicos, formando uma sociedade multicultural composta de diversas origens. No Brasil, onde sempre tentou-se infiltrar intensamente a cultura africana existente desde a época da colonizaçao e introduzir os brancos latinos após a independência, os japoneses foram a única imigração asiática. Sendo a quinta maioridade entre os imigrantes, depois de italianos, portugueses, espanhóis e alemães, eles se posicionam como um dos formadores dessa sociedade multicultural brasileira. Levando em consideração o caso do Brasil onde se formou uma nova cultura através da incorporação de variadas culturas, a existência do povo brasileiro no Japão não teria uma possibilidade de transformar, em grande escala, esse país? Os brasileiros se registram como residentes estrangeiros em todas as províncias do Japão. Porém, nota-se uma densidade bem diferente conforme as regiões. Isso é o resultado que reflete a estrutura industrial do país: aproximadamente 60% deles residem na região oeste do Japão, especialmente em redor da província de Aichi. No entanto, na região leste, ao redor da area metropolitana também encontra-se uma população brasileira. Suas condições devem diferir nessas regiões. Considerando a especialização dos estudos no futuro, é função daqueles que têm interesse pela pesquisa sobre os brasileiros compreender, não somente a diversidade da existência dos brasileiros no Japão, mas também a sua imagem também. Partindo dessa intenção, com o objetivo de focalizar a vida dos brasileiros residentes na região leste do Japão, decidimos realizar esse Workshop. Através dele, gostaríamos de prestar uma ajuda na formação da rede de pes-

10 viii CHIYOKO MITA quisadores que têm como tema os brasileiros no Japão, proporcionando assim algumas idéias e apoio para seguirem o seu trabalho. A idéia desse Workshop surgiu de um pequeno episódio. Quatro dos estudantes do meu seminário escreveram suas teses sobre os brasileiros residentes no Japão e foram de alto nível, considerando que são trabalhos de graduação. Como a abordagem diferia de uma para outra, tive a idéia de realizar um pequeno Workshop, considerando que poderia servir para apresentar o cotidiano dos brasileiros residentes na área metropolitana. Devido à limitação de verba e tempo, convidamos os participantes sem especificar o idioma no ato da apresentação. Como resultado, tivemos 16 pessoas apresentando seus trabalhos em três línguas. Com a participaçao dos pesquisadores jovens que estudam sobre os brasileiros residentes no Japão atualmente, acredito que o nosso objetivo tenha sido alcançado. A obtenção de um resultado maior do que o esperado deve-se ao Professor Hiroshi Komai que gentilmente aceitou fazer a conferência de abertura, aos professores do Centro que concordaram com esse plano e ajudaram na sua realização e a todos os pesquisadores que colaboraram. Meus sinceros agradecimentos a todos. Foi um grande prazer meu ter oferecido essa pequena atividade como Centro de Estudos Luso-Brasileiros e ter contribuído para abrir novos campos de pesquisa futuros neste ano do centenário da imigração japonesa para o Brasil. Seria mais uma satisfação se esse Workshop servir para repensar a realidade da sociedade japonesa, cuja convivência com os estrangeiros ou experiências e entendimentos interculturais são inevitáveis no futuro ou mesmo nesse momento.

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13 PREFÁCIO xi Japanese Society and Brazilian Migrants: New Paths in the Formation of a Researchers Network Chiyoko Mita Director of the Center for Luso-Brazilian Studies, Sophia University With the reform of Japanese immigration laws in 1990, a large number of Latin Americans, especially from Brazil, began to settle in Japan. Japan received a large foreign population in an unprecedentedly short period. In addition, most of these new foreigners came from Latin America and from cultures different from that of Japan. The rise in the number of foreigners and their presence in various spheres of Japanese society has given rise to several overt and covert problems. This new experience of Japanese people living in daily contact with foreigners of a different culture has necessitated the resolution of innumerable problems, and many studies have been done about this over the past 20 years. Since 1908, the year of the start of Japanese immigration to Brazil, exchange between the Japanese and Brazilian populations has never been interrupted, with the exception of the period of World War II. The movement of these two peoples has not been unilateral during these 100 years. In 1984, the number of immigrants to Brazil was surpassed by the number of emigrants (to Europe, the United States, etc.), leading to the diaspora phase, and one of the destinations of this emigration was Japan. In the decade of the 1980s, the direction of the movement of people shifted to migration to Japan. Even so, since its recognition by the world 500 years ago, Brazil, like the United States, has accepted various ethnic groups, forming a multicultural society made up of diverse origins. In Brazil, where there was always an effort to intensely counter the African culture since the colonization period and introduce white people of Latin origin after independence, the Japanese were, initially, the only Asian immigrants. Being the fifth-largest immigrant group in Brazil after the Italians, Portuguese, Spanish, and German the Japanese positioned themselves as one of the architects of this multicultural Brazilian society. Considering the case of Brazil, where a new culture was formed by way of the incorporation of various cultures, is it not possible that the presence of the Brazilian population in Japan could greatly transform the country? There are Brazilians registered as foreign residents in every province of Japan. However, the population density differs among regions. This is the result of the industrial infrastructure of the country: approximately 60% of the Brazilians live in the western region of Japan, especially in and around Aichi prefecture. However, in the eastern region, around metropolitan areas there is also a large Brazilian population. Two conditions differ between these regions. With regard to the focus of future studies, it is necessary for those interested in researching about Brazilians in Japan to understand not only the diversity of the Brazilian presence in Japan but their image as well. Starting from this intention, with the objective of focusing on the lives of Brazilian residents in eastern Japan as well as western Japan, we decided to hold this workshop. Through this workshop, we hope to aid the formation of a network of researchers who study the topic of Brazilians in Japan, thereby offering these researchers some ideas and support for continuing their work.

14 xii CHIYOKO MITA The idea for this workshop came from a small episode. Four students in my seminar course wrote their theses on Brazilian residents in Japan, and the level of their work was high, considering that it was undergraduate work. As the approaches differed among the theses, I had the idea of holding a small workshop, thinking that it could serve to show the daily lives of Brazilians living in metropolitan areas. Due to limitations in funding and time, we invited participants without specifying the language of the presentations. As a result, we had 16 people presenting their work in three languages. With the participation of the young researchers who are currently studying about Brazilian residents in Japan, I believe that our objective was reached. The attainment of an even greater result than we hoped is thanks to Professor Hiroshi Komai, who graciously agreed to give the opening lecture, to the professors of the Center who agreed with the plan and assisted with its realization, and to all of the researchers who helped and participated. My sincere thanks to all. It was a great pleasure to have offered this modest activity of the Center for Luso-Brazilian Studies and to have contributed to opening new perspectives for future research in this year of the Centennial of Japanese immigration to Brazil. It will be even more satisfying if this workshop serves for rethinking the reality of Japanese society, in which living with foreigners and intercultural experience and understanding are inevitatable in the future, or indeed at the present moment.

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17 Temas a Serem Resolvidos nos Estudos sobre os Brasileiros Residentes no Japão Hiroshi Komai Professor, Universidade de Chukyo Joshi 1. Metas alcançadas das pesquisas realizadas até o presente e os limites da metodologia Entre os estudos sobre os grupos étnicos residentes no Japão, os dos brasileiros se encontram em estágio mais avançado tanto quantitativa como qualitativamente. As razões seriam as seguintes: em primeiro lugar, é por ser a segunda maioridade populacional étnica no Japão, depois dos chineses. Em segundo, a facilidade de pesquisa devido à sua permanência legal e residência concentrada, se comparado a outros grupos. Revisando a história dos estudos sobre os brasileiros residentes no Japão, o começo foi as pesquisas quantitativas na primeira metade da década de 1990, seguidas de estudos sobre as áreas concentradas e as situações reais do trabalho na segunda metade. Desde os anos 2000 até o momento, os estudos sobre a educação se tornaram a principal abordagem. Através desses estudos, podemos dizer que a atual situação geral dos brasileiros residentes no Japão vem sendo consideravelmente esclarecida. Entretanto, devido à extensão da permanência dos brasileiros no Japão, têm agravado novos problemas de caráter diferente de até agora. Ou seja, a marginalização da segunda geração dos imigrantes dentro da sociedade japonesa por deixar de freqüentar às escolas ou delinquência. Esses problemas basicamente surgem da posição inferior de seus pais no mercado de trabalho. A metodologia dos estudos feitos até o presente tem sido quantitativa, mas somente com isso, não poderemos mais esclarecer ou resolver esses novos problemas. O tipo de estudo requisitado no momento é o qualitativo, ou seja, estudo de casos ou história oral com os quais poderemos esclarecer a imagem total, reformulando as experiências de cada brasileiro residente no Japão. Especialmente com relação ao fenômeno de semi-língua ou double-limited da segunda geração de imigrantes, será preciso fazer uma séria pesquisa qualitativa. Ainda sobre o estudo do mercado de trabalho, a compreensão da real situação através de pesquisas quantitativas, verificando as carreiras profissionais de cada um é uma pesquisa urgente. 2. Área de estudo em falta Não somente a limitação de metodologias mas a falta da área de estudo também deve ser sanada. As áreas mais importantes para serem complementadas seriam a mudança social, a pesquisa no Brasil e o movimento social. Sobre a mudança social, deve ser feito um estudo sobre o quanto e como os brasileiros residentes no Japão são classificados como pertencentes à classe social mais baixa ou sua possibilidade de ascensão. Sobre isso, juntamente com a análise da mudança da geração dos pais após sua chegada ao Japão, deve-se estudar sobre como a posição social da segunda geração muda em comparação com a da primeira geração. Os dados sobre a mudança geográfica, ou seja, a aceleração da mudança à região Tokai não são suficientes. A vinda ao Japão dos brasileiros relaciona-se fortemente com a própria situação do Brasil. Mesmo assim, um estudo profundo sobre o Brasil, pelo que eu saiba, não existe. Apesar da existência de enorme quantidade de assuntos para serem resolvidos, citarei alguns deles que passam na minha mente. Pessoas de que posição social decidem se tornar um decassêgui?

18 4 HIROSHI KOMAI Com o dinheiro ganho, eles conseguiram comprar imóveis ou não? Conseguiram começar seus próprios negócios ou não? Houve alguma consequência econômica com o fenômeno decassêgui? A volta para o Brasil é temporária ou definitiva? A relação com os familiares que permanecem no Brasil. A taxa de aprovação nas universidades brasileiras dentre os formados nas escolas brasileiras no Japão. O movimento social desencadeado por próprios brasileiros tem importância decisiva para melhorar sua posição dentro da sociedade japonesa. Esse ponto de vista tem um significado semelhante ao indicado na obra do Antonio Negri e Michael Hardt, Império (Empire), com grande repercussão no mundo inteiro. Eles consideram a multidão como o agente que transoforma a globalização. Os imigrantes japoneses no Brasil fundaram as organizações tendo como base as associações de províncias. Agora, existe ou não a possibilidade de se organizar alguma entidade semelhante pelos brasileiros residentes no Japão? Antes de tudo, eles poderão organizar algum movimento trabalhista ou não? Juntamente com esse ponto, como os líderes da comunidade brasileira, que contribuem para a fixação dos brasileiros na comunidade local, nascem e são formados? 3. Questão de identidade Finalizando, gostaria de me referir à questão da identidade dos brasileiros residentes no Japão. No Brasil, eles vieram tentando manter a identidade como japoneses. Ao contrário, no Japão, eles estão tentando formar suas identidades como brasileiros ou são esperados para que façam isso. Como devemos considerer essa transformação básica das identidades? Para analisar esse aspecto, será bom consultar a impressionante obra de Paul Gilroy, O Atlântico Negro (The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness). Gilroy se simpatiza muito com a identidade crioula ou híbrida formada nos países do mar do Caribe pelos negros que têm suas orígens na África. Os brasileiros residentes no Japão, originariamente descendentes dos emigrantes do Japão, vieram para cá considerando uma terra nova, mantendo suas raízes no Brasil. Se pudermos esperar que eles sigam o mesmo processo dos negros nos países do mar do Caribe, isso seria uma grande contribuição cultural não somente à sociedade japonesa mas também à toda sociedade global.

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21 CONFERÊNCIA DE ABERTURA DO WORKSHOP 7 The Issues to be Resolved in Studies about Brazilian Residents in Japan Hiroshi Komai Professor, Chukyo Women s University 1. The points reached until now and the methodological limitations Of the studies about ethnic groups in Japan, those on Brazilians are the highest in both quantitative and qualitative terms. The reasons are as follows. The first point is that the Brazilian population is the second-largest foreign population in Japan, second only to that of the Chinese. The second point is that Brazilians can be studied readily due to their legal residence status and their geographic concentration, as compared with other groups. Looking at the history of study about Brazilian residents in Japan, one can see that it began with quantitative studies during the first half of the 1990s and that studies focusing on certain areas and working conditions followed during the second half of the decade. Entering the 2000s and continuing to present, studies on education took center stage. Through these studies, we can say that the current overall situation of Brazilian residents in Japan has been clarified. Nevertheless, due to the extent of the permanence of Brazilian residents in Japan, new problems whose characteristics are different now are of grave importance in particular, the marginalization of the immigrant second generation in Japanese society that has resulted from non-attendance of schools or delinquency. These problems essentially stem from the inferior position of the parents in the labor market. The methodology of the studies done until now has been quantitative. But with just this methodology, it will not be possible to clarify or to resolve these new problems. The type of study needed now is qualitative in other words, case studies or oral histories through which we can clarify the overall situation and recontruct the experiences of individual Brazilian residents in Japan. In particular, with regard to the phenomenon of semilingualism or double-limitedness in the second generation of immigrants, genuinely qualitative research is necessary. The study of the labor market also requires the comprehension of the real situation by way of quantitative research listening to the employment histories of each individual is the most urgent type of study currently needed. 2. The area of study that is currently missing Not only methodological limitations, but also the lack of certain areas of study must also be addressed. The most important areas that must be furthered are social change, research in Brazil, and social movements. With regard to social change, studies about how much or how Brazilian residents in Japan fall to the lowest social class or about the possibility of social ascension must be done. Regarding this, along with research about social change within the generation of parents after their arrival to Japan, there is a need for research about how the social position of the second generation changes in comparison with that of the first generation. Statistics about geographic movements, such as those about increasing movement to the Tokyo region, are insufficient. Migration to Japan is strongly related to the situation in Brazil. Even so, intensive studies, to my knowledge, do not exist. Although there is a huge number of issues that need resolution, I will indicate a few that occur to me. First, economic efficiency; for example, with the money accumulated by working as dekassegui, are the migrants able to buy houses or not? Were they

22 8 HIROSHI KOMAI able to start their own enterprises or not? Was the return to Brazil something temporary or permanent? Also, how are the relationships between the migrants and those who remained in Brazil? What is the rate of matriculation in Brazilian universities of those who studied in Brazilian schools in Japan? Social movements formed by the Brazilians themselves are of decisively great importance to the improvement of their position within Japanese society. This point of view is similar to that described in the work of Antonio Negri and Micheal Hardt, Empire, which is greatly influencing the entire world. The authors consider the multitude to be the agent that reforms globalization. The Japanese immigrants in Brazil have formed organizations rooted in provincial associations. Does there exist or not the possibility that Brazilian residents in Japan will organize such an entity? In particular, can they organize a labor movement or not? In connection with this point, how do the leaders of the Brazilian community contribute to the settlement of Brazilians and the development of the community? 3. The identity question In summary, I would like to reflect on the question of the identity of the Brazilian residents in Japan. In Brazil, they had supposedly maintained their identity as Japanese. In Japan, on the other hand, they are trying to shape their identities as Brazilians or are expected to do this by others. How should we consider this basic transformation of identity? To consider this issue, it is helpful to consult the stimulating work by Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness. Gilroy sympathizes very much with the creole or hybrid identity formed in the Caribbean countries by black people whose origins are in Africa. The Brazilian residents in Japan who are the descendants of emigrants from Japan came to Japan as to a new land, maintaining their roots in Brazil. If as anticipated they follow the same process as the black population in the Caribbean, this will surely be a great cultural contribution not only to Japanese society but to the whole of global society as well.

23 Primeira parte Globalização

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25 1 VS (Living with harmony) Recentemente, o número dos estrangeiros registrados no Japão está aumentando. Especialmente, o dos brasileiros passou a trezentos mil, a seguida dos chineses e coreanos. A multiculturalização está se destacando no Japão. Tendo como ponto de partida este fato, o objetivo deste relatório seria como o Japão está atendendo a esse fenômeno, e o que fará num futuro próximo, observando a cidade de Oizumi em Gunma, que tem muitos habitantes Nipo-brasileiros. Pelo fluxo dos Nipo-brasileiros, Oizumi tem se defrontado com o multiculturalismo dentro de seu território, tomando-se como exemplo: os filhos dos japoneses e dos Nipo-brasileiros estudam juntos na mesma sala de aula. Qual será a visão do mundo, que estas crianças possuirão? Há uma grande possibilidade deles se tornarem os grandes pioneiros de uma sociedade multiculturalista, pois há muitas vozes requisitando a necessidade de abrirem-se as fronteiras ao multiculturalismo no Japão. Neste momento, o Japão está dando o primeiro passo. Recently, the number of foreigners registered in Japan has been increasing. In particular, the Brazilian population has surpassed three hundred thousand, following the Chinese and Korean populations. Multiculturalism is standing out in Japan. With this fact as its starting point, this paper focuses on the way in which Japan is responding to this phenomenon and what it will do in the near future, observing in particular the city of Oizumi in Gunma, which has many Japanese-Brazilian residents. Due to the flux of Japanese-Brazilians, Oizumi has faced multiculturalism within its territory, thereby making itself an example: the children of Japanese and of the Japanese-Brazilians study together in the same classroom. What will be the world vision of these children? There is a large possibility that they will become the great pioneers of a multicultural society, as there are many voices insisting on the need to eliminate the barriers to multiculturalism in Japan. At this moment, Japan is making its first step.

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27 OIZUMI: EXPERIÊNCIA DE CONVIVÊNCIA MULTICULTURAL 13 BRASIL GARAPA

28 14 MARI MASUYAMA

29 OIZUMI: EXPERIÊNCIA DE CONVIVÊNCIA MULTICULTURAL 15

30 2 O número de estrangeiros que moram nas proximidades de Saitama tem aumentado recentemente. Neste trabalho, farei uma análise sobre a vinda dos brasileiros ao Japão e a educação de seus filhos sob o aspecto da globalização e neoliberalismo. Uma grande parte deles vivem em Honjo e Kamisato, cidades localizadas ao norte de Saitama. Essas regiões têm escolas com aulas de japonês para os brasileiros, e também escolas brasileiras fundadas e administradas pelos próprios brasileiros. As causas da vinda dos decasseguis ao Japão são a globalização e o neoliberalismo, mas a sociedade japonesa não se encontra no estado de globalização. A sociedade e educação japonesa são monoculturais, apesar de as crianças brasileiras serem multiculturais. Não haverá mudança do sistema educacional para multicultural obviamente e isso faz com que as crianças brasileiras adaptem-se ao monocultural. É necessário realizar um sistema em que todas as pessoas tenham oportunidade de receber educação de boa qualidade, mesmo sendo de culturas diferentes, especialmente de línguas diferentes. Isso não é de todo impossível, pois na verdade, a Suécia já está realizando isso. Só quando o sistema educacional for baseado em multicultura, é que a verdadeira sociedade globalizada realizarse-á no Japão também. The number of foreigners living near Saitama has been increasing in recent times. In this paper, I will do an analysis of the arrival of Brazilians to Japan and of the education of their children in the context of globalization and neoliberalism. Many of these Brazilians live in Honjo and Kamisato, cities located north of Saitama. These regions have schools with Japanese classes for Brazilians, as well as Brazilian schools funded and administered by the Brazilians themselves. The causes of the migration of the dekasseguis to Japan are globalization and neoliberalism, but Japanese society does not find itself in a state of globalization. Japanese society and education are monocultural, despite that Brazilian children are multicultural. There will evidently not be a change to a multicultural educational system, and this makes Brazilian children adapt to the monocultural system. It will be necessary to create a system in which all people have the opportunity to receive high quality education, even if they are from different cultures and in particular from different language groups. This is not impossible, as in reality, Sweden is already achieving this. Only when the educational system is based on multiculturalism will a truly globalized society become a reality in Japan as well.

31 EDUCAÇÃO DOS DECASSEGUIS BRASILEIROS 17

32 18 YUKO TAKEUCHI JR International Press Tudo Bem JR

33 EDUCAÇÃO DOS DECASSEGUIS BRASILEIROS 19 Instituto Educacional TS Recreção TS TS S

34 20 YUKO TAKEUCHI

35 EDUCAÇÃO DOS DECASSEGUIS BRASILEIROS 21 P

36 22 YUKO TAKEUCHI TS

37 3 Este artigo analisa as remessas de brasileiros no Japão para seu país de origem e seus significados. A importància de remessas de migrantes para seus países de origem vèm aumentando no mundo todo como origem de reserva em moeda estrangeira, investimento no desenvolvimento nos países receptores, além de estar gerando um esforço no sentido de compreender sua situação do ponto de vista das medidas anti-terroristas. A maioria das remessas de brasileiros para seu país de origem vêm sendo feitas atravès de quatro principais instituições financeiras brasileiras (Banco do Brasil, Itaú, Bradesco, Sudameris). É diferente do que ocorre nos Estados Unidos onde as remessas de migrantes a seus países de origem foram extensamente revistas, embora sejam feitas majoritariamente através de instituições não-bancárias, ou seja, serviço postal, companhias de transferência de dinheiro, transfêrencias em dinheiro vivo etc. Isso sem contar com os chamados sem-banco, origem do escândalo nos créditos subprime, largamente discutido à época. Em comparação com o caso dos Estados Unidos, o caso das remessas de brasileiros no Japão pode ser considerado um caso raro de sucesso no mundo das remessas internacionais. Também pode ser dito que as remessas cumprem um importante papel nas relações entre os dois países, a longo prazo. The case of the remittances of Brazilians in Japan to their home country and its significance is reviewed in this article. The importance of remittances to the home country has increased worldwide as the source of foreign exchange reserve accumulation, development finance for recipient countries. At the same time, it is also important to grasp exactly the situation of remittances from the viewpoint of anti-terrorist measures. In the case of the remittances of Brazilians in Japan to their home country, most of the remittances have been handled through 4 Brazilian banks (Banco de Brazil, Itaú, Bradesco, Sudameris). On the contrary, in the United States, remittances to home countries have been widely observed, but still much of the remittances are done through non-bank mediums such as money transfer companies, mail delivery, physical transfer of cash etc. The existence of so-called unbanked who do not have access to the use of banking system (remittances, loans), which is also the primary cause of the Subprime Loan issue, is getting more attention at the present time. In comparison with that of the United States, the case of the remittances of Brazilians in Japan to the home country is a successful case, which is one of few rare cases even in worldwide remittance business. It also can be said that the case of the remittances play an important role in further strengthening the relationship between the two countries.

38 24 KENICHIRO MATSUI ODA 1 1 Bendixen, Sergio Remittances From Japan to Latin America Study of Latin American immigrants living and working in Japan

39 REMESSAS DOS BRASILEIROS RESIDENTES NO JAPÃO 25 Banco do Brasil Banco do Brasil Bradesco Bradesco UFJ Bradesco Nikkei UFJ UFJ ACM ACM Itaú M&A 2 Banespa Santander 2

40 26 KENICHIRO MATSUI ABN AMRO M&A Sudameris Intesa ABN AMRO ATM ATM Unbanked

41 REMESSAS DOS BRASILEIROS RESIDENTES NO JAPÃO 27 GDP FDI ODA

42 28 KENICHIRO MATSUI IDB 3 JICA 4 Banco do Brazil Convenio Kyodai Aelucoop Banco do Brazil Convenio Kyodai Banco do Brazil Aelucoop 3 Bendixen, Sergio Remittances From Japan to Latin America: Study of Latin American immigrants living and working in Japan. (Okinawa: Inter-American Development Bank). 4

43 REMESSAS DOS BRASILEIROS RESIDENTES NO JAPÃO 29

44 4 Passaram dezoito anos desde o começo do influxo de decasseguis (trabalhadores temporários) brasileiros ao Japão. É dito que eles não são mais decasseguis, mas sim migrantes. No caso, quando os decasseguis se tornarão imigrantes (trabalhadores permanentes)? O assentamento permanente deles está dividida por uma linha muito ambígua. No entanto, pode ser dito também que esta ambigüidade é uma das principais características dos decasseguis no Japão. A primeira parte deste artigo faz um levantamento dos estudos nas áreas de migração, remessas e procura de empregos para considerar a situação atualmente enfrentada pelos brasileiros no Japão. A segunda parte mostra os resultados de entrevistas realizadas no Banco do Brasil em Tóquio. Estas entrevistas revelam que decasseguis brasileiros conseguem poupanças suficientes para comprar uma casa, ou para abrir uma empresa própria no Brasil, quando a poupança é mantida por cinco anos no Japão. A última parte apresenta os resultados de uma pesquisa feita através de uma enquete com 187 respondentes, a qual foi realizada nos Consulados do Brasil em Nagoya e Tóquio entre o dia 11 de janeiro de 2008 e o dia 28 de fevereiro de Eighteen years have passed since the beginning of the inflow of Brazilian dekasseguis (temporary workers) to Japan. It is said that they are no longer dekasseguis but migrants. In that case, when will dekasseguis turn into immigrants (permanent workers)? Their permanent settlement is divided by a very ambiguous line. However, it could also be said that this ambiguity is one of the major characteristics of dekasseguis in Japan. The first part of this article surveys the studies in the areas of migration, remittances, and job-search in order to consider the present situation with which Brazilians are confronted in Japan. The second part shows the results of interviews conducted at Banco do Brasil in Tokyo. These interviews reveal that Brazilian dekasseguis can attain enough savings to buy a house, or to start their own business in Brazil, if the savings are kept for five years in Japan. The last part reports research results of a sample of 187 respondents, which was conducted at the Brazilian consulates in Nagoya and Tokyo between January 11, 2008 and February 28, 2008.

45 ATIVIDADES ECONÔMICAS DOS DECASSEGUIS BRASILEIROS Job-search Berninghaus, Seifert-Vogt Berninghaus, Seifert-Vogt Massey Massey et al. 1993) 3 Rapoport and Docquie (Rapoport and Docquier 2004)

46 32 KUMI FUJIKAWA B 4 4

47 ATIVIDADES ECONÔMICAS DOS DECASSEGUIS BRASILEIROS 33

48 34 KUMI FUJIKAWA US$

49 ATIVIDADES ECONÔMICAS DOS DECASSEGUIS BRASILEIROS 35

50 36 KUMI FUJIKAWA Berninghaus, Siegfried, and Hans Günther Seifert-Vogt Temporary vs. Permanent Migration: A Decision Theoretical Approach. Journal of Population Economics 1: Massey, Douglas S., Joaquín Arango, Hugo Graeme, Ali Kouaouci, Adela Pellegrino, and J. Edward Taylor Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal. Population and Development Review 19, 3 (September): Rapoport, Hillel, and Frédéric Docquier The Economics of Migrants Remittances. IZA Discussion Paper No

51 Japanese Immigrants in Brazil and Brazilian Dekasseguis in Japan: Continuity of the Migration s Imaginary vs. Reality 5 Pauline Cherrier Ph.D candidate in political sciences at the University of Lyon (France); and Scholar from the Monbukagakusho at Musashi University Keywords: ethnic media; dekasseguis; Japanese immigrants in Brazil; migration s imaginary; migrants success stories. Ao longo da minha pesquisa de doutorado em ciências políticas sobre a representação dos Brasileiros na mídia japonesa, tanto na mídia da comunidade como na mídia japonesa, percebi algumas recorrências no tratamento dos dois movimentos migratórios: do Japão para o Brasil e do Brasil para o Japão. Na ocasião da celebração do centenário da imigração japonesa no Brasil que chegou a ser chamada o ano do intercâmbio Brasil-Japão, essa tendência aumentou a tal ponto que eu queria mostrar como o uso permanente do mesmo imaginário pode insinuar idéias que não condizem com a realidade dos migrantes. Já que a maioria dos decasseguis é de origem japonesa, é indubitável que existem similaridades nesses dois fenômenos migratórios. Nas propagandas de bancos, no jornais, nos logotipos e símbolos usados nessa comemoração, as imagens e a retórica que ficaram na versão oficial da imigração japonesa no Brasil, vista como uma história de sucesso, estão sendo utilizadas para descrever a situação dos decasseguis brasileiros no Japão. Essa associação de idéias feita pelos discursos midiáticos pode enganá-los ao induzi-los a pensar que eles vão automaticamente seguir o mesmo caminho de sucesso do que os seus antepassados. Porém, nem a realidade dos imigrantes de 1908 nem as condições migratórias dessa época têm muito em comum com a situação dos atuais decasseguis no Japão.

52 38 PAULINE CHERRIER 1. Introduction The research I am currently conducting deals with the representation of Brazilians in both the Brazilian ethnic media and Japanese media in order to study how they are emerging in the Japanese public space. I would like to focus in this presentation on one of the aspects I have grown to notice in my research, namely the recurrent association made between Japanese immigrants in Brazil and Brazilian migrants working in Japan. While the two groups are ethnically bound to one another, considering that most of the Brazilians workers in Japan are of Japanese descent, a discourse on the similarity of their experience may bear deceiving effects. Images, symbols, and rhetoric of success are explicitly used in the media, therefore creating a sense of common fate between the two groups of migrants: in effect, they are depicted as going through the same experience, only at different periods in time. The commemoration of the year of the Japanese Brazilian exchange also plays an important part in the symbolic association of the two groups of migrants. I would like to show how this production of a common imaginary in the media tends to wipe out the differences of the socio-political and economical context, proper to of each migratory movement. 2. The year of the Japanese Brazilian exchange Since the first Japanese emigration to Brazil started in 1908, we celebrate in 2008 the centenary of this immigration. This event has been prepared in advance in Japan and even more so in Brazil, where Brazilians of Japanese ancestry are seen as a model minority. This Japanese community also called in Portuguese colônia japonesa, contributed to the development of the city of São Paulo and the economy of its state, especially in the agricultural field. Japanese immigrants official history is retraced in a museum taken care of by the Bunkyo, the Brazilian association of Japanese culture 1. These Japanese institutions are situated in Liberdade, the oriental quarter of the city (Bairro Oriental), first occupied by Italians before that the Japanese immigrants who left coffee plantations to settle in the city arrived. This place gained oriental ornaments when in the 1970s the municipality of São Paulo decided to officially pay homage to the Japanese tribute. Even if the majority of Nikkei-Brazilians do not live there anymore, it remains the center of traditional Japanese cultural and political events and activities, organized mainly by the Bunkyo. Although São Paulo is not Brazil s capital, it is simultaneously the core of South-American and national economy, and the beating heart of Brazilian culture. Consequently, public and political representation in such a city resonates far beyond its own walls. An official committee, mainly composed of Nikkei-Brazilians, had been charged to organize cultural events for the celebration of the centenary of the Japanese presence in Brazil. As soon as January 2007 the walls of one of the main central veins of São Paulo, the tunel da Avenida Paulista, were covered of graffiti (Gregorio 2008) dedicated to the history of Japanese immigrants, thereby becoming part and parcel of São Paulo s collective memory. However, such a celebration could not ignore the changes that the Japanese community of Brazil had been through in the past 20 years. In 1990 the implementation of the Plan Collor triggered off an unprecedented economic crisis that matched the great Japanese demand of labor force. Thanks to the modification of the Japanese immigration law, also in 1990, foreigners of Japanese descent were allowed to come and work temporarily in Japan as unskilled workers. From then on, the decassegui phenomenon, meaning in Japanese to leave temporarily one s place in order to earn money, was under way to deeply affect the Japanese community in 1 Sociedade Brasileira de Cultura Japonesa e de Assistência Social.

53 IMIGRANTES JAPONESES E DECASSEGUIS BRASILEIROS 39 Brazil, which consequently lost almost one third of its Nikkei-Brazilian population. 2 Therefore, the centenary of the Japanese immigration to Brazil could not be celebrated without mentioning the Nikkei-Brazilian migration to Japan, often referred to as the return of the Japanese to their homeland. This is why 2008 officially became the year of the Japanese Brazilian exchange 3 celebrated both by Japan and Brazil, yet in different ways. These very differences, in effect, imply a discrepancy between migrants experiences. First of all, the denomination chosen for the commemoration, the year of the Japanese Brazilian exchange, conveys an idea of a reciprocal exchange between both countries; Whether Brazilian influence in Japan is as well represented and accepted as Japanese influence in Brazil is subject to reflection. Indeed, if Nikkei-Brazilians already reached its fifth generation, whether the community will permanently settle in Japan is still debated. Moreover, the Brazilian presence in Japan should be considered in the context of recent global migration tendencies. Migration is no longer considered as definitive as it used to be when the first Japanese crossed the ocean in Even if the first generation of Japanese emigrants came to Brazil with a dekassegui mindset, planning to come back to Japan, their perception of time and migration had to differ from nowadays. Thanks to new information and communication technologies, it became possible to live in a foreign country, while psychologically severed from one s host society and connected to one s homeland and culture from abroad. This is what can happen in Japanese areas with a high concentration of Brazilian population, such as the socalled Brazilian cities of Oizumi or Hamamatsu, where ethnic businesses and facilities turned limited contact with the Japanese into a livable situation. This kind of immersion helps Brazilians in their integration to the Brazilian community of Japan but not in the Japanese society. Indeed, the majority of Brazilian dekasseguis in Japan still consider themselves as temporary migrants, independently of the actual length of their stay in Japan. Advertisement or articles in the Brazilian ethnic media often present images and ideas expressing a similarity in the experience of Japanese immigrants in Brazil and their dekassegui descendants. For instance, Kasato maru, the ship that brought the first Japanese immigrants to Brazil on the 18 th of July 1908, or images of plants and flowers, commonly used as symbols of the Japanese contribution to the Brazilian agriculture, are recurrent across contemporary media types. Indeed, as we already mentioned, the Japanese community became famous, especially in the state and city of São Paulo, for having played a determining part in the development of agriculture in Brazil. This is why they were called the kings of agriculture (Horikawa 2007b) or were said to be disciplined and naturally gifted to take care of plants [ ] to justify the success of the Japanese in the country (Horikawa 2007a). Having reached a relatively high social position in the local society, the general conception of their history is that of a success story, as exemplified by the following description: Our history: After fights, dramas and conflicts, some of them ended up in defeats and others in moving success stories Rhetoric of success When Japanese emigrants left their country a century ago, they were carrying with them the hope to succeed in Brazil, described by Japanese emigration companies as the land of the trees of golden fruits. 5 In the same way, nowadays, Brazilians of gold are said to be 2 See Tsuda (1999) for a detailed analysis of the migration of Nikkei-Brazilians and their motivations. 3 Ano do intercâmbio Brasil-Japão. 4 Quote from Nóssa história (2008): [ ] Após lutas, dramas e conflitos, alguns terminam em fracasso, e outros em comoventes histórias de sucesso. 5 Mortos-vivos que Partem em Busca das Arvores dos Frutos de Ouro, in Handa (1980:99).

54 40 PAULINE CHERRIER dekasseguis who managed to make their dreams come true thanks to their working experience in Japan [ ] returning to the homeland. 6 All economic migrants looking for better living conditions abroad, share the same types of hopes and expectations so that their experience can be summed up in this way: There is only one objective for migrants: work hard, save the maximum of money and come back home enriched, as fast as possible. 7 Such an objective is said to be attainable by the Sebrae 8, an official association providing Brazilian dekasseguis with support to help them successfully reintegrating the Brazilian labor market. Sebrae advices migrants to invest money and open businesses, guaranteeing success, as is promised in adverts like: Success stories: dekassegui businessmen (Sebrae 2006) or Partnership is the key to success in the assistance to small businesses (Sebrae 2007). This rhetoric of success is also exploited by the Brazilian ethnic media which articles evocative titles such as Successful business requires dedication (Jubelini 2007a, 2007b) or How to be successful step by step in 2008 (Nanbu 2007c) are common. The free magazine entitled, Gambare!, distributed with the newspaper Tudo Bem exemplifies the constant use of success lexical field. The imperative form of the title itself, Gambare!, coming from the Japanese gambaru meaning to make one s best, exhorts Brazilians in Japan to strive for success. Although the road to success is hard and does not only require efforts and dedication but also planning and persistence, 9, the recurrent display of dekasseguis success stories may lure people into thinking that anyone can make [his] own star shine. 10 The model used by Jacques Lacan for the analysis of subjectivity dividing it in a real, a symbolic, and an imaginary dimension, can be applied to this rhetoric of success (Lacan 1978, 1999). The reality of migrants hard work, combined to an imagined success and to dekasseguis symbolic inscription in their ancestors history (Lamizet 2002:35) would then be the main components of Brazilian dekasseguis identity. This symbolic and imagined continuity of dekasseguis experience in Japan with their ancestors experience in Brazil could unconsciously transmit the idea of a common fate according to which dekasseguis would be predestined to succeed? 4. Differences in migrants experiences The downside to the so-called Japanese success in Brazil yet questions the validity of this discourse. Brazilians of Japanese descent became successful thanks to the efforts and dedication of the first generation of migrants. If the Japanese have successfully been integrated in the Brazilian society reaching a relatively high social status, the first generation of migrants failed to achieve their initial goal. In other words, Japanese migrants had to abandon their ideal of coming back to their homeland to start dedicating themselves to climb the Brazilian social ladder. The conception according to which The fourth generation of first Japanese immigrants are 6 Veja as historias dos dekasseguis que conseguiram realizar seus sonhos no Brasil graças ao trabalho no Japão [ ] ex dekasseguis relatam como alcançaram seus objeticos ao voltar para a terra natal (Nambu 2007a). 7 O objetivo dos viajantes é um só: trabalhar duro. economizar ao máximo e voltar para casa de bolsos bem cheios, o mais rápido possível (Oyama 2007). 8 Serviço Brasileiro de Apoio às Micro e Pequenas Empresas. 9 [...] O caminho para o sucesso é arduo e implica (além de esforço e dedicação) muito planejamento e persistência (Nanbu 2007a). 10 Faça a sua estrela brilhar (Shinyashiki 2007). In this special article Roberto Shinyashiki shows how Brazilians can make their dream come true. Roberto Shinyashiki is a successful Nikkei also columnist for the magazine Gambare! See Shinyahishi (2008).

55 IMIGRANTES JAPONESES E DECASSEGUIS BRASILEIROS 41 repeating the saga of their ancestors, the other way around 11 has been commonly accepted. However, if dekasseguis were to follow the path traced by their ancestors, they would eventually become successful in Japan: this is neither their intention nor the definition of success usually promoted by Brazilian media. On the contrary, Make money in Japan, come back to Brazil and manage to have a better life there is [said to be] the objective of any dekassegui 12 so that the ideal happy ending to a dekassegui story has to take place in Brazil. Successful dekasseguis are indeed migrants who achieved their objectives returning to their homeland. 13 Whereas, at the beginning of the dekassegui migration to Japan, Nikkei-Brazilians homeland was said to be Japan with such titles as descendents come back to their ancestor s land, 14 it is now mainly said to be Brazil. This inversion of rhetoric in media discourses emphasizes how Japanese-Brazilian migration s imaginary is exploited according to the prevailing political discourse. Unlike the Japanese who were compelled to assimilate to Brazil both by the Japanese government and by Vargas dictatorship, Brazilian dekasseguis have not officially, until now, been submitted to such pressures. Brazilian authorities have rather tended to consider them as temporary workers in Japan who are not counted as financial exiles because they are part of a group that comes back to their homeland. 15 This might be linked with the amount of remittances that dekasseguis send each year to Brazil, and that they would not send anymore once they decide to build their life in Japan (Ishi 2003a, 2003b). It is still early to assert with assurance the future of the Brazilian community in Japan. The question of how they should be called and considered has not yet been resolved, leaving the debate open to conjectures and speculations. Pedro Corrêa Costa, Brazil s vice-consul in Tokyo, stated that considering the tendency of Brazilians settlement in Japan, they should now rather be called emigrants than dekasseguis. 16 In the same way, Brazilian ethnic media communicates more and more cases of successful Brazilians, not only in Brazil, but also in Japan. On the one hand, the evolution of dekasseguis status remains different from their ancestors who were first considered as emigrants by Japanese authorities before they officially became immigrants in Brazil. At the time of the Japanese emigration to Brazil, dekasseguis were Japanese workers who migrated to other parts of Japan. On the other hand, my point is that the general meaning of success in Brazilian dekasseguis collective conscience is still to come back enriched to Brazil. This dream of prosperity in Brazil is what shapes migrants imaginary and representation of themselves as it is reflected in the ethnic media. Finally, dekasseguis symbolic assimilation to their ancestors does not match migrants reality if we consider the inner composition of the Brazilian community of Japan. Brazilian dekasseguis in Japan are not only composed of Nikkei-Brazilians, but also of their spouses and relatives for whom the history of Japanese immigration in Brazil has no resonance in their collective consciousness. 11 A quarta geração dos primeiros imigrantes repete a saga dos ante-passados. Só que em sentido contrário (Estado de São Paulo 1995). 12 Fazer um dinheiro no Japão, voltar ao Brasil e, lá, conseguir uma vida melhor. Simplificando, esse é o objetivo de qualquer dekassegui (Nanbu 2007a). 13 Ex-dekasseguis relatam como alcançaram seus objetivos ao voltar para a terra natal (Nanbu 2007b). 14 Descendentes voltam à terra dos bisavós (Nanbu 2007b). 15 Também não são contados como exilados ecônomicos porque são um grupo que retorna à terra natal (International Press 2007). 16 Autor de um estudo sobre a comunidade brasileira no Japão, Pedro Corrêa Costa, vice-cônsul do Brasil em Tóquio, afirma que os sinais de que os brasileiros estão se fixando definitivamente por lá são tão evidentes que eles não podem mais ser chamados de dekasseguis palavra que quer dizer trabalhadores temporários. Já são emigrantes, afirma Costa (Oyama 2007).

56 42 PAULINE CHERRIER 6. Conclusion Under the influence of globalization and of information and communication technologies, traditional conceptions of migration, immigration and emigration have been blurred, and it is now possible to be living in a foreign country while remaining closely connected and even immerged in one s homeland and culture. Brazilian ethnic media in Japan indeed helps dekasseguis staying attached to the Brazilian reality. The analysis of one of its recurrent discourses revealed how this media also plays with migrants imaginary and representations. The constant association of dekasseguis fate and success with their ancestors may lure migrants into thinking, even if it remains unconscious, that their working period in Japan guarantees this success they are running after. Deluded by the illusion that they are in total control of their fate, migrants may also feel guilty, in case they do not manage to reach their goal. While ethnic media represents migrants collective conscience, it could also foster the gap existing between their imaginary and reality. If dekassegui phenomenon and Japanese emigration to Brazil cannot be really compared on a time scale, the commemoration of the year of the Japanese Brazilian exchange actually shed the light on the unbalanced situation existing between Japan and Brazil. Whereas the centenary of the Japanese immigration acquired national visibility as it officially gained a role in São Paulo and Rio s carnival, the 20 years of Brazilian migration to Japan comparatively resonate but feebly in the Japanese public space. By considering the continuity of migrants images and the common fate between Brazilian dekasseguis and their Japanese ancestors, we could have expected this commemoration to celebrate Brazilians success in Japan in the same way that Japanese success and contribution are officially and nationally celebrated in Brazil. Even though almost one fourth of the Brazilian workers in Japan now benefit from a permanent resident visa and actively sustain national economy, Japan is still reluctant to admit their permanent settlement, so that the visibility of the celebration of the 20 years of Brazilian migration to Japan remains mainly limited to places where they are concentrated. References Estado de São Paulo Descendentes voltam à terra dos bisavós. São Paulo, November 5. Gregorio, Danilo Grafiteiros homenagem a imigração japonesa. Nippo-Brasil. Internet; available: < accessed March 10, Handa, Tomoo Mémorias de um Imigrante Japonês no Brasil. Trans. Antonio Nojiri. São Paulo: T.A. Queiroz / Centro de Estudos Nipo-Brasileiros. Horikawa, Helder. 2007a. O café, o começo de tudo. Nippo-Brasil. São Paulo, June b. Sucesso das cooperativas. Nippo-Brasil. São Paulo, June c. Reis da agricultura. Nippo-Brasil. São Paulo, June International Press Duas vezes imigrantes. Tokyo, November 10. Ishi, Angelo. 2003a. Searching for Home, Wealth, Pride and Class : Japanese-Brazilians in the Land of Yen. In Jeffrey Lesser (ed.), Searching for Home Abroad: Japanese-Brazilians and Transnationalism. Durham: Duke University Press, b. Transnational strategies by Japanese-Brazilian migrants in the age of IT. In Roger Goodman, Ceri Peach, Ayumi Takenaka, and Paul White (eds.), Global Japan: The Experience of Japan s New Immigrant and Overseas Communities. London: RoutledgeCurzon, Jubelini, Rafael. 2007a. Dekasseguis na mira das franquias. Tudo Bem. Japan, October b. Negócio de successo exige dedicação. Tudo Bem. Japan, October Lacan, Jacques Le Moi dans la Théorie de Freud et dans la Technique de la Psychanalyse. Paris: Ed. du Seuil Ecrits I. Paris: Ed. du Seuil. Lamizet, Bernard Politique et Identité. Lyon: Presses Universitaires de Lyon. Nanbu, Gabriel. 2007a. Brasileiros de ouro. Gambare! Tokyo, November 27 - December b. Eles venceram no Brazil. Gambare! Tokyo, November 27 - December 2.

57 IMIGRANTES JAPONESES E DECASSEGUIS BRASILEIROS c. Sucesso. Gambare! Tokyo, December 29 - January 4. Nossa história História da Imigração. Imigração Japonesa no Brasil. Internet; available: < imigracaojaponesa.com.br/nossahistoria.html>; accessed March 10. Oyama, Thaís Eles estão no caminho inverso. Veja, Imigração Japonesa, 100 Anos Depois, 2038, 49. São Paulo, December 12. Sebrae Parceira é chave do sucesso no apoio aos pequenos negócios. Revista Sebrae 19, Brazil, (August/ September) Histórias de Sucesso: dekasseguis empreendedores. Internet; available: < casosdesucesso.sebrae.com.br/include/arquivo.aspx/258.pdf>; accessed March 10, Shinyashiki, Roberto Faça a sua estrela brilhar. Gambare! São Paulo, November Quem trabalha bem nunca é egoista. Gambare! São Paulo, January Tsuda, Takeyuki The Motivation to Migrate: The Ethnic and Sociocultural Constitution of the Japanese- Brazilian Return-Migration System. Economic Development and Cultural Change 48, 1: 1-31.

58 A nossa pesquisa feita em 2006 e 2007 tinha os seguintes objetivos: Primeiro, fazer um sumário dos resultados das pesquisas econômicas publicadas nos últimos anos sobre o tema Decasseguis no Japão, e identificar quais pontos na área da economia devem ser estudados com mais detalhes num breve futuro. Segundo, fornecer dados atualizados sobre a vida e as atividades econômicas dos residentes brasileiros e peruanos no mercado de trabalho japonês. Obtivemos todos os dados através de um minucioso questionário de onde conseguimos respostas de oitenta e três pessoas, a maioria residentes na região Kanto do Japão. Analisamos o problema do ponto de vista de finanças públicas locais, ou seja, tentamos identificar novas necessidades exigidas por decasseguis e estudar como os governos locais poderiam financiar estes problemas enfrentados por brasileiros e peruanos. Dentre essas necessidades, notamos que é muito grande o desejo da participação em um curso de capacitação sobre temas como gerência empresarial e qualificação durante a estadia no Japão. Outro ponto importante que identificamos em nossa pesquisa é a redução do montante das transferências enviadas às famílias no Brasil e no Peru. Uma possível razão dessa tendência é a necessidade de poupar para realizar a compra da casa própria em território japonês. Todavia, se faz necessário um estudo mais abrangente em relação às opiniões e a realidade de todos os decasseguis. Our study, done in 2006 and 2007, had the following objectives: First, to make a summary of the results of economic studies published in recent years about the topic of Dekasseguis in Japan, and to identify which points in the economic area should be studied in more detail in the near future. Second, to provide updated information about the life and economic activity of the Brazilian and Peruvian residents in the Japanese labor market. We obtained all of the information by way of a detailed questionnaire, to which we received the responses of 83 people, the majority being residents in the Kanto region of Japan. We analyzed the issue from the perspective of local public finances; in other words, we tried to identify new needs demanded by dekasseguis and to study how the local governments financed these problems faced by Brazilians and Peruvians. Among these needs, we noted that the desire to participate in training courses on topics such as business management and qualification during their stay in Japan is very strong. Another important point that we identified in our study is the reduction of the amount of money transfers sent to families in Brazil and Peru. A possible reason for this tendency is the need to save money in order to buy a house in Japan. Still, there is a need for a larger study regarding the opinions and the reality of all dekasseguis.

59 TEORIA FINANCEIRA E TRABALHADORES BRASILEIROS 45 1 HP GP KYODAI 1

60 46 KEIICHI YAMAZAKI TOMOMITSU UCHIDA

61 TEORIA FINANCEIRA E TRABALHADORES BRASILEIROS 47 BN BN BN

62 48 KEIICHI YAMAZAKI TOMOMITSU UCHIDA shujutoshi2006.pdf

63 South American Nikkeijin Acquisition of Local Citizenship: The Case of the Japanese Peruvian Association AJAPE 7 Marcela Inés Méndez Vázquez Ph.D. Candidate, Center for Asian and African Studies, El Colegio de México; and Affiliated Researcher, Graduate Faculty of Letters, Keio University Keywords: citizenship; agency, integration; NPOs. NPO NPO Este estudo é sobre a cidadania local, agência e integração social dos nikkeis latino-americanos, especialmente dos peruanos residentes em Kanagawa e Tóquio. No Japão não existe uma política nacional para integrar os trabalhadores nikkeis. Por isso, os próprios nikkeis têm lutado para obter a cidadania local, conquistando-a. Eles recebem ajuda dos governos locais ou de organizações sem fins lucrativos, os que assumem a responsabilidade para resolver os problemas dos migrantes. Entretanto, através da análise do caso de Associação de Convivência do Japão e Perú, podemos observar que os próprios nikkeis não estão somente recebendo ajuda, mas também estão tomando iniciativa para realizar a integração social, meta comum da comunidade nikkei. O resultado da pesquisa também nos explica que quando a cidadania de imigrantes é tratada como um problema pessoal, isso se torna um assunto para o próprio imigrante resolver por sua responsabilidade e fica difícil resolvê-lo pelo ponto de vista social, econômico ou histórico. Esse fato introduz a idéia de que os moradores estrangeiros devem resolver esse problema de cidadania coletivamente.

64 50 MARCELA INÉS MÉNDEZ VÁZQUEZ Meanings of borders, aliens, or citizens are not given in the nature of things but are discursive productions. To make meanings that define citizen is a political act which has material consequences, sometimes terrible ones, in people s lives. Phyllis Pease Chock, Remaking and Unmaking Citizen 1. Introduction The presence of foreign migrants in a society arises debates that lead to the demarcation of the contents of citizenship. It also reminds the citizens the benefits they enjoy as members of those nation-states. Nevertheless, citizenship is a complex historical term, which makes us consider the specific context in which it is being applied. Before addressing Japanese local citizenship, let us consider T.H. Marshall s liberal classic formulation. Marshall s notion of citizenship is a social equalizer, a status of full membership of a political community, which implies the equality of civil, political and social rights and obligations (Marshall 1992:18). Being member of a political community means to be subject of a nationstate, which guarantees the granting of the benefit. 1 While civil and political citizenship refer to individual rights, social citizenship implies participation in the community, through sharing the social heritage administered by the state, a basic level of welfare for everyone. The context of this model is that of post-war European capitalist societies devising policies both to avoid the occurrence of social conflict instilled by the inequalities generated by market economy, and to achieve social integration. Four decades later, Bottomore (1992) elaborated on Brubaker s distinction of formal and substantive rights 2, showing how the transnational movement of workers had questioned the membership of a nation-state as source of citizenship. 3 Bottomore explains that formal citizenship is not a prerequisite for acquiring substantive citizenship anymore, neither a sufficient nor a necessary condition. In simpler terms, one can have formal (national, juridical) citizenship but be excluded of some benefits- in this sense belonging to the national community is not sufficient to equally enjoy the same rights. In the same fashion, one can enjoy certain social and civil rights even when is not a member of the national community- in other words, it is not necessary to have formal citizenship to enjoy some rights on quasi identical terms (Brubaker 1992: 36-38). So far, we have understood that formal citizenship is not necessarily tied to substantive rights anymore. Then, how to assure that non-members of the nation-state will be able to enjoy citizenship rights? Bottomore proposes a body of human rights for any individual, in the community where he lives or works, independently of his national origins and his formal citizenship (Bottomore 1992: 91-92). If besides this body of human rights, we accept that the nationstate has been the main but it is not the only institution that organizes the distribution of rights 1 Following Marshall s (1992:8) argument, citizenship has civil, political and social aspects that translate into determined civil (e.g. freedom of contract, private property), political (e.g. the right to elect or to be elected) and social rights (health, housing, education and social security). 2 Brubaker (1989) made the distinction between substantive citizenship -the set of rights and the participation in government they imply- and formal citizenship -nominally belonging to a nation-state. 3 The formal aspect of citizenship has been questioned by the expansion of phenomena such as: the increasing trend of migration; and for the internationalization of legal work, which demand flexibilization of movement and legal residence of foreigners. Arising from these two, the relation between residence (place) and citizenship (rights) and the displacement of nation as the excusive source of citizenship (Bottomore 1992:72).

65 AQUISIÇÃO DA CIDADANIA LOCAL PELOS NIKKEIS 51 and duties of citizenship to individuals, 4 then we have set the basis to understand local citizenship. However, this theoretical corpus has developed mainly in connection with processes taking place in Europe, North America and Australia. How this relates to the Japanese case? Recently Tsuda (2006) has explored the emergence of local citizenship in Japan. He argues that countries of recent immigration -such as Malaysia or Japan- do not grant immigrants rights either on the basis of not being countries of immigration or because they consider there is no urge for their sociocultural or political integration, given their temporary status of residence (Tsuda 2006:4-5). Thus, it is more frequent that countries focus more in controlling their frontiers, than in granting rights of citizenship and meeting the social needs of foreigners. Japanese constitution guarantees social and civic rights to Japanese citizens 5, but the statutes on local governance compel local authorities to ensure the safety, health and welfare of all local residents (jûmin) including non-japanese (Komai 1997). As national governments are not taking care of the immigrants basic social needs, local governments and nonprofits have been providing services and rights that facilitate the immigrants social integration. This concession of rights at the local level is what is called local citizenship. The following section will show how Peruvians are acquiring local citizenship while in Japan. 2. Individual and collective agency and citizenship The Long Term Resident or teijûsha visa, under which Latin American workers of Japanese ancestry up to the third generation have come to Japan after its amendment in 1990, grants them the right to work in any legal occupation. Nonetheless, the substantive contents of their migratory status are quite undefined, as Milly (2006:127) puts it: There is no comprehensive piece of legislation in Japan that specifies all of the rights and policy entitlements of foreign residents, nor does a single coordinating agency exists for policies affecting foreign residents. Instead, policies designed for Japanese citizens have produced policy-by-policy revisions, reinterpretations, or clarifications as needed when their applicability to foreign residents has been questioned. This means that advocates need to target a plethora of agencies and offices to work for policy change, and also that no institutional organ has an agency mission to oversee the inclusion of immigrants in domestic society and policies. Therefore, if we agree to call policy of integration the policy of citizenship rights of a state, then we can affirm that in Japan there is not a policy of social integration, but a policy of incorporation of foreigners. Moreover, as we have specified above the nature of the legal framework in which the incorporation takes place, we can lead out attention now to the action exerted by agents towards the acquisition of citizenship. Agents are persons capable of transforming their conditions of existence, this is, they perform actions with a transformative capacity (Giddens 1981:28). They might be engaged in action in a community by either allowing that a power be exercised through them -they mediate or enable action to happen- or by reaching a collective aim -they lead or bring about effects. Agency exerted by these individuals implies their skilled employment of the ambiguities existent both in relationships of authority, and in social relations in general. In other words, they can turn difference in the distribution of rights into positive value. 4 As Hollifield (2000) and Joppke (1999), among others, have shown. 5 See Gurowitz (1999:430) for an explanation on the reading of kokumin, or people (nation) as it appears in the Japanese Magna Carta as people from the country, and its interpretation in favor of Japanese nationals.

66 52 MARCELA INÉS MÉNDEZ VÁZQUEZ The immigrants narratives of their constitutive actions towards the acquisition of their rights, reveal the connections between their personal experiences and the resources available at the community level, being those in many a case provided by the local administration or by NPOs. The stories also show a recurrent way of partial integration at the local level, that is the agency arising out of individual behavior. I have chosen three life histories of Peruvian residents I interviewed during fieldwork, which I render summarized, as follows: 2.1. Mario Gofu He was 22 years old when he arrived in Japan in 1989, because of economic necessity. He never felt nikkei nor he knew what was to feel like that. He cherished memories of his Okinawan grandparents and knew some funny stories they used to tell at the family gatherings. He was sansei but became nissei thanks to the legal procedure that made his father into a issei 6. He had a passion for all kind of trades. After finishing secondary school, he started his own greengrocer's shop. Once in Japan, he went to work in greater Shinjuku. As he did not speak Japanese, he had to accept the most dangerous and dirty jobs. During the breaks of his construction job, he carefully took note of every single word he could. It was not proper Japanese; it was more or less the phonetics of what he could listen from his Japanese, Chinese and Filipino coworkers. Mario never entered the factory system, for we wanted to be independent. He always worked for and befriended Japanese. Regularly sent remittances to his mother, who took care of the 60,000 dollars he gathered as day laborer. However he knew language was a huge impediment. A religious group offered him the possibility of learning Japanese on Sundays, and his volunteer teacher encouraged him and many other students to sit for the Japanese Language Proficiency Test (Nihongo Nôryoku Shiken). After he passed Level 1, he got a job from a Mitsubishi subcontractor as provider of after-sales service to Japanese consumers. Finally, he had his savings waiting for him in Peru and a Japanese fiancée. It took him twelve years to have a job he liked, to speak Japanese and to save money enough to buy the house of his dreams Laura Beni At nineteen she left Chimbote 7 with her secondary school diploma and basic Japanese skills. She knew she was nikkei, but never gave it much importance, until she had to do the paperwork to depart for Japan. Four years in a Nagano factory as a quality control operator left her with savings enough to return to South America. Upon returning she realized she wanted to progress and felt that she liked Japanese sense or order. Back in Japan, she made up her mind she would find a white-collar job. With that purpose stopped making remittances and interned herself in a faraway factory in Fukui, alternating months of hard work with months of study. At her Japanese school a teacher showed her the textbooks to prepare the university entrance examinations. He also encouraged her to undertake the subjects after she finished her Nihongo class. Laura did not know the educational system, so she went to ask to the international association of her city. They have never counseled in something like that. She was lucky to have some volunteers helping her through the forest of books, study programs and forms. Now she studies and works, hoping to finish her career and find a proper job. 6 The Japanese word issei (literally first generation) refers to persons born in Japan while nissei (literary second generation) and sansei (third generation) differentiate those born abroad. 7 The capital of the Santa Province, Chimbote is a fishing industry flourishing city, located some 420 kilometers north of Lima.

67 AQUISIÇÃO DA CIDADANIA LOCAL PELOS NIKKEIS Adela Furage By 1991 when she arrived in Japan, she had a good command of spoken Japanese and knowledge of about 1,000 kanji. After working in a Kanagawa automobile component factory, she opened a mini-market with her husband. She never quit the idea of having a job different from a factory one. However, they have to work hard to keep themselves in business. She read about loans for educational purposes in an ethnic newspaper. She requested information at a local NPO, where the translator explained her the conditions. I will never qualify, she thought. She discussed her plan with her husband. They terminated independent business and he returned to a blue-collar job. Adela then retorted to external help. She had an uncle who was an immigrant in the US. He borrowed from a bank the amount necessary for her to cover the freshman s year tuition. After she finished her Japanese instruction, she took private lessons with a Peruvian engineer on the subjects required to sit for the entrance examination. She is now studying in College. To recapitulate, what we see in common in the three cases of integration-in-progress to Japanese society, is that each individual was the agent of change of his/her own life. Each one sought for and actualized their right to education, besides their acquisition of language skills, and search for better work conditions. They also tried to integrate themselves to their communities, assisted in some cases by their local governments, nonprofits or even their own transnational network, all parties that supported their individual plight for citizenship. However, the mobilization emerging from these cases does not greatly differ from the examples posed by life histories found in the recent scholarship on the last two decades since the massive arrival of foreign workers in Japan. 8 It can be also argued that several authors (Kajita 1994; Komai 2001, 2006; Yamawaki 2005) have remarked the importance of local governments and nonprofits already. Why do we consider the case of AJAPE then? In the next section, I present their case to show how this group of Peruvians and Japanese -besides their educational achievement and quality of life aims- emphasizes leadership for the Peruvian community. In doing so, they imagine and plan beyond immediate necessities, and focus some of their efforts on agents capable of leading collective action. 3. The case of AJAPE or Nippon Peru Kyôsei Kyôkai The association was created on August 15, 1999 as Asociación Peruano-Japonesa or APEJA (Peruvian-Japanese Association), by a group of Peruvians, Peruvian nikkeijin, workers and students. The children were having difficulties to incorporate to Japanese schools, and their parents -with neither linguistic ability nor knowledge of the educational system- were seeking out for help. From the beginning there were Japanese members and some others joined later, such as the current vice-president, educator Etsuko Takahashi. The dynamics of its moving membership led APEJA members and leaders to split and pursue different targets: further migration, the creation of new associations such as AIPEJA (oriented to benefit their sending communities and to political participation in Peru), or to devote to occupations other that blue-collar jobs, such as Así Es Mi Tierra (the former artistic arm of the group). 9 In November 2004, APEJA became AJAPE (Asociación Japonés-Peruana, in Spanish) or 8 To name but a few, the works of Linger (2001), Tsuda (2003), Roth (2002), Kajita (2006), and Sakai (2006). 9 Until they left, AEMT danced on behalf of the association, along with other groups showing Okinawan, Argentinean, Bolivian, Chilean, and Colombian folklore at the APEJA organized festivals. Accessed February 25, The original is written in Spanish and dated August 3, [

68 54 MARCELA INÉS MÉNDEZ VÁZQUEZ Japanese-Peruvian Association. They re-created themselves and clearly stated from the beginning what would be the purposes of the association to avoid the disintegration that had occurred in the past. 10 The reasons behind the naming of the association Japanese before Peruvian are: Because we are in Japan and it should be written that way. You name it Peruvian first only if the association were created in Peru. At some point in time there were members of AJAPE who chose orientations other than those of our original purposes. Other members did not have a proper visa to stay in Japan at that time. The split up was going to happen any moment. Moreover, the oldest association of Japanese in Lima, the Japanese Central Society, 11 had changed its name in 1998 for Asociación Peruano Japonesa (APJ) the same name we had chosen a year later. You see, there where many reasons for a change. 12 Notwithstanding, the change did not imply a complete rupture with the original members. Some of them continued with the newly formed group. The current president, the engineer Alberto Palacios, was not part of the original core but has been at the top of the organization since At present AJAPE is providing its services in a Machida 13 city facility called Machida Citizen s Forum. It praises in being a non-profit group, independent from any political or religious organization that might prevent them from keeping their main target that is, providing their community with educational services (Fig. 1). They hire three Peruvians and four Japanese staff, while they are assisted by twelve volunteers (four Latinos and eight Japanese). Their transportation expenses are paid with the annual fee of 2,000 yen and they also receive some funding from The Nippon Foundation (Nippon Zaidan). They have a permanent consultation service on cell phone that receives requests from all Japan. Professor Etsuko Takahashi provides counseling in Spanish to the students and their 10 1.To improve the life quality and promote the integration of Peruvians and Latin Americans to the Japanese society. 2. To hold special events to promote both Peruvian and Japanese regional celebrations and festivals. 3. To encourage and support the knowledge and respect for the Japanese law, through conferences, seminars and other educational activities so as Peruvians and Latin Americans may know their rights and obligations in Japan. 4. To promote sports in order to foster social integration and friendship between Japan and Peru. 5. To foster the teaching of Spanish both to young Peruvians and Japanese students. 6. To foster the teaching of Japanese as an unavoidable way to progress in this country. 7. To promote recreational, social and community activities, according to the ethical and moral principles we hold. Source: HP.Accessed February 25, The original is in Spanish and dated September 16, [ 11 A more detailed explanation is found in the HP of the AJP (in Spanish), accessed March 12, [ 12 Interview with member of AJAPE, September, Machida is a city located in the western part of the greater metropolis of Tokyo.

69 AQUISIÇÃO DA CIDADANIA LOCAL PELOS NIKKEIS 55 families. She is very active networking with other educators, researchers and volunteers from other organizations. The contents of the consultation cases are as shown below (Fig. 2). TYPE OF COUNSELING ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS 58* 34% 7% 4% 4% 4% 14% 12% 9% MEDIATION IN SCHOOLS 23 JAPANESE SCHOOLS & EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM 20 OTHER 12 JAPANESE LANGUAGE SUPPORT 6 SCHOOL WORK SUPPORT 6 PART-TIME JOBS 7 5% 8% SCHOOL BULLYING AND SCHOOL ADJUSTMENT 9 SCHOOLING COSTS 13 STUDY-OR-WORK DILEMMA 15 UNIVERSITY 14 CONSULTATIONS BY EDUCATIONAL LEVEL OTHER 40 8% 24% PRIMARY 7 4% 39% UPPER SECONDARY 65 25% LOWER SECONDARY 43 *Case number. Students: 84 Total cases: 169 AJAPE provides their services on Saturdays and Sundays and hold at least three annual events: they organize a cultural workshop, an international folk dance festival and a forum on education. Being supported nominally by the Peruvian Embassy and General Consulate, they are sometimes requested to participate in events to perform Peruvian folklore. Since 2005 they have hold three fora to discuss the topics that most interest their community. To have a better understanding of AJAPE s objectives and activities, we can summarize them in four areas:

70 56 MARCELA INÉS MÉNDEZ VÁZQUEZ The children and youngsters supported by AJAPE are the offspring of the nikkejin industrial laborers (Fig. 4). The permament contributing members of the association are thirty families that include about one hundred foreigners. Besides Peruvians, there are Japanese, Filipinos, Brazilians, Mexicans and other nationalities among the beneficiaries of their services. The group is very keen on providing Japanese and Spanish instruction to immigrants children, as well as improving the parents command of everyday Japanese. There are at least two characteristics that make this group different from other joint initiatives of both Peruvian and Japanese nationals acting inside the community. One is their continuity: AJAPE has carried on without interruption since 1999 and it has already brought about change on the educational perspectives awaiting some Peruvian students. The efforts of the group have helped youngsters (that would otherwise have become dropouts at Japanese schools) to pursue studies and to enter university. A revision to a ministerial ordinance of September concerning university access, allowed that foreign graduates apply for admission. Since then the association has successfully mediated in order to have Peruvian distance education certificates recognized as proof of proficiency, besides examinations, to enable students to take the Japanese entrance examinations. This small step is in itself a groundbreaking achievement for the Peruvian community, for as a member expressed: in most of the homes, there is no extra money to pay for juku (examinations preparatory schools) to enter upper secondary school. There is another target of the group that goes beyond the assistance to cope for immediate educational advice, which is their leadership project. While helping the children through the system, AJAPE is inspiring them and instructing them with the help of Japanese entrepreneurs, who share with them their experiences in the world of work during arranged group visits. The project also engages the youngsters in their activities after they graduate and find employment. We have recalled how AJAPE has already modified the terms in which some individuals have appropriated citizenship at the local level in the field of education and labor. However, is 14 Subete no kodomotachi ni kyôiku e no kenri 7.

71 AQUISIÇÃO DA CIDADANIA LOCAL PELOS NIKKEIS 57 this kind of effort effective to improve the quality of life of the foreigners? Raising the quality of life implies among other things a higher income level. Takenoshita (2006: 70-74) puts this dilemma in quantitative terms when he shows that the results expected within he frame of the theory of human capital will depend upon how immigrants are typified, this is, to which segmentation of the labor market they are considered to pertain. Let us follow his explanation of the impact of human capital acquisitions on raising the income levels of both Brazilian manual workers and Chinese professional workers. Human capital theorists suppose that as long as immigrants can achieve language competence, attain educational degrees and acquire job qualifications, they can match the earning levels of the host society. Takenoshita proves that it would be difficult to Brazilian manual workers to raise their income level even if they spoke more Japanese, got higher education and had stayed longer in Japan. If it is not their human capital, what is preventing Brazilian migrants from improving their earnings? The degree of labor demand in a company and labor market sector, actually have greater impact on determining the earnings of Japanese Brazilians than human capital acquisitions. ( ) As long as Brazilians with Japanese descent continue to stay in the market sector for subcontract work, it would be very difficult for them to increase their income earnings. [This is] because subcontractor s companies can easily fire them in terms of labor contracts as soon as the demand of factory products and labor demand actually declines. ( ) They are not expected to continue to work for a relatively long period and to accumulate human capital [whereas] regular employees ( ) have been expected to continue working for a long period and to improve skill levels (Takenoshita 2006: 71-73). He concludes suggesting that the transition from indirect to direct employment would enable Brazilians to have more opportunities to increase (even slightly) their income levels and to acquire skills. In present day sociopolitical context of neo liberalism (Takahashi 2006), Takenoshita s argument confirms that the type of incorporation to the labor market available to the Japanese Brazilians and Japanese Peruvian migrants is not advantageous, and that as long as they do not leave that niche, for direct employment, their chances of improvement do not increase. Even when the first generation of nikkeijin might not be able to leave that sector, some of their offspring are undoubtedly leaving the niche, and some are seen their chances of doing it increased with the support of nonprofits, such as AJAPE. Notwithstanding, the citizenship achieved at the local level either via the local administration or through the assistance of NPO s has serious limitations (Andrew & Goldsmith 1998, Tegtmeyer Pak 2001, Tsuda 2006). We have already shown the support received by Peruvian students from AJAPE, and the posibilities for collective action that their emphasis on leadership are opening. However, the group has limited resources and besides the country-wide telephone counseling, its activity is localized in Machida and its vicinity, what supports the claim that depending where a foreigner lives, the access to substantial citizenship (the availability and type of support) will be different. The group s interest in leadership is closer to helping the development of the potential of the second generation, to act and think in collective terms. However, this is different from being conscious of the history of other minorities in Japan (Okamoto 2005) and to think in common action. That could be one of the alternatives open to young leaders, if they are willing to transform frontiers in thresholds.

72 58 MARCELA INÉS MÉNDEZ VÁZQUEZ 4. Final remarks We have seen in this article the importance of local governments, nonprofits and other third sector institutions to satisfy foreigners needs and that they still are the main source of citizenship for many foreigners in Japan. In this regard, we have shown that communities and social networks are foci where people challenge the premises of these exclusions (Pease Chock 1994:49). However, we have discussed local citizenship and seen its limitations, for it should not be a target in itself, but it has proven effective so far as a way of incorporation and integration to the localities. An example of a joint integration initiative and the opening of posibilities for collective action has been exemplified by the activities led by AJAPE, whereas the drawbacks of local citizenship have been also noticed. We have pointed out that linguistic competence plays an important role in integration processes. However, it has also been suggested that agents of change in favor of the Peruvian community ought to be aware of the history of other minorities in Japan, for agency is also related to the ability to evaluate critically and to think in collective terms. Besides the acquisition of skills and cultural capital, an important step to be taken to improve life quality is to leave indirect employment. Maybe the first generation finds it too big a task; nonetheless, their children are on that way. Citizenship is not a package of rights and obligations governments distribute to individuals for being part of a community. Citizenship is substantive when rights are actualized, this is, when rights are claimed and exercised. That is the challenge left to the new generations. References Andrew, Caroline, and Michael Goldsmith From Local Government to Local Governance and Beyond? International Political Science Review, 19, 2: Bottonmore, Tom Citizenship and Social Class. London: Pluto Press, Brubaker, William Rogers Immigration and the politics of citizenship in Europe and North America. New York: University Press of America. Chock, Phyllis Pease Remaking and Unmaking Citizen in Policy-Making Talk about Immigration. PoLAR Political and Legal Anthropology Review, 17, 2: Giddens, Anthony A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism. Vol. 1. Power, Property and the State. London: Macmillan. Gutowitz, Amy Mobilizing International Norms: Domestic Actors, Immigrants, and the Japanese State. World Politics 51, 3 (April): Hammar, Tomas Democracy and the Nation State: Aliens, Denizens and Citizens in a World of International Migration. Brookfield, Vt.: Averbury. Higuchi, Naoto Migration Process of Nikkei Brazilians. In Mutsuo Yamada (ed.), Emigración Latinoamericana: Comparación Interregional entre América del Norte, Europa y Japón, JCAS Symposium Series. Osaka: Japan Center for Area Studies, Hollifield, James The politics of international migration: How can we bring the state back in. In Caroline B. Brettell, and James F. Hollifield (eds.), Migration theory: talking across disciplines. New York; London: Routledge. Joppke, Christian How immigration is changing citizenship: a comparative view. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 22, 4 (July): Kajita, Takamichi Gaikokujin rodôsha to nihonjin. Tokyo: Nippon Hoso Kyokai., Kiyoto Tanno, and Naoto Iguchi Kao no mienai teijûka. Nikkei burajirujin to kokka, shijô, imin nettowaaku. Nagoya: Nagoya Daigaku Shuppankai. Komai, Hiroshi Hajime ni uchinaru kokusaika ni yoru tabunka kyôsei shakai no kôchiku In Hiroshi Komai, and Ichiro Watado (eds.), Jichitai no gaikokujin seisaku uchinaru kokusaika e no torikumi. Tokyo: Akashi Shoten Foreign Migrants in Contemporary Japan. Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press Gurobaruka jidaino nihongata tabunka kyôsei shakai. Tokyo: Akashi Shoten.

73 AQUISIÇÃO DA CIDADANIA LOCAL PELOS NIKKEIS 59 Linger, Daniel Touro No one Home: Brazilian Selves Remade in Japan. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. Marshall, Thomas H., and Tom Bottomore Citizenship and Social Class. London: Pluto Press, Milly, Debora J Policy Advocacy for Foreign Residents in Japan. In Takeyuki Tsuda (ed.), Local Citizenship in Recent Countries of Immigration: Japan in Comparative Perspective. Maryland: Lexington Books. Okamoto, Masataka Nihon no minzoku sabetsu jinshu sabetsu teppai jôyaku. Tokyo: Akashi Shoten. Roth, Joshua Hotaka Brokered Homeland: Japanese Brazilian Migrants in Japan. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press. Sakai, Alberto Dekasegi no jûgonen. Nikkeisei wo ikiru michi. In Atsushi Sakurai (ed.), Sengo sesô no keikenshi. Tokyo: Serika Shobo. Soysal, Yasemin Nuhoglu Limits of Citizenship: Migrants and Postnational Membership in Europe. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Takahashi, Etsuko. 2007a. Camino para la educación superior, presentation at the conference: Dai Sankai Kyôiku Fôramu Riidashippu, Komyûniti, Tôgo, organized by Nihon-Peru Kyôsei Kyôkai, Machida Citizens Hall, November b. Supeingoken kara mita chiikirentai nettowaaku, presentation at the conference: Dai Ikkai Zenkoku Fôramu Tabunka Kyôdô jissen kenkyû, organized by the Center for Multilingual - Multicultural Education and Research, Tokyo University of Foreign Languages, Fuchu campus, December 3. Takahashi, Tetsuya Kono kuni de seishin no jiyû wo motomete tetsugaku wa teikô tariuruka? Tokyo: Zen ya Books. Takenoshita, Hirohisa The Differential Incorporation into Japanese Labor Market: A Comparative Study of Japanese Brazilians and Professional Chinese Migrants. The Japanese Journal of Population, 4, 1 (March): Tabunka Minzoku Kyôiku Fôramu Jikkô Iinkai Tabun Subete no kodomotachi ni Kyôiku e no Kenri wo, abstract book. Tokyo: Tabunka Minzoku Kyôiku Fôramu Jikkô Iinkai. Tsuda, Takeyuki Strangers in the Ethnic Homeland: Japanese Brazilian Return Migration. New York: Columbia University Press. (ed.) Local Citizenship in Recent Countries of Immigration: Japan in Comparative Perspective. Maryland: Lexington Books. Tegmeyer Pak, Katherine Towards Local Citizenship: Japanese Cities Respond to International Migration. Center for Comparative Immigration Studies. Working Papers. [ Accessed: June 10, Yamawaki, Keizo Nisengonen wa tabunka kyôusei gannen? Jichitai Kokusaika Forum. [ Accessed: May 24, 2007.

74

75 Segunda parte Cultura e Identidade

76

77 Neste artigo, tenta-se provar os valores do Carnaval dentro da sociedade do Japão, refletindo-se sobre o Carnaval da cidade de Oizumi em Gumma e de Hamamatsu em Shizuoka. Pesquisando sobre esses carnavais, percebe-se que elos atualmente no Japão são organizados pela administrações regionais japonesas para a sociedade japonesa, e a maioria dos brasileiros no Japão não estão conseguindo organizar os carnavais por si mesmos. Prova-se também que os carnavais do Japão têm grande capacidade para resolver os problemas de identidades dos decasseguis e seus filhos e de concretizar uma sociedade multicultural no Japão. Os números dos filhos de decasseguis que sofrem de problemas de identidade estão aumentando. Eles estudam no sistema educacional japonesa e moram na sociedade japonesa e são pressionados para assimilação mesmo sem querer. Dependendo das pessoas, eles são mais influenciados na identidade entre japonês e brasileiro. Mas aqui, o mais importante nesse caso é que eles podem selecionar nessas identidades dependendo das situações - isso se chama identidade multicultural. No Japão, manter o Carnaval como uma cultura brasileira para os filhos dos decasseguis ajudará a formar sua identidade multicultural. Quando a sociedade japonesa reconhecer a existência das crianças com identidade multicultural, pensa-se que isso significará a realização de uma sociedade multicultural. This article aims to demonstrate the value of Carnival in Japanese society, reflecting on the Carnival in the city of Oizumi in Gunma and in Hamamatsu in Shizuoka. Studying about these carnivals, it can be observed that the events currently held in Japan are organized by the Japanese regional administrations for Japanese society, and that the majority of Brazilians in Japan are not able to organize carnivals for themselves. It is also shown that the carnivals in Japan have a large capacity to resolve the problems of the identity of dekasseguis and their children and to establish a multicultural society in Japan. The number of children of dekasseguis suffering problems of identity is increasing. They study in the Japanese educational system and live in Japanese society, and they are pressured to assimilate even against their will. Depending on the person, the children are more influenced by their Japanese or Brazilian identity. However, the most important aspect of this situation is that the children have the ability to select their identities depending on the situation -- this is called multicultural identity. In Japan, maintaining Carnival as Brazilian culture for the children of dekasseguis will help in the formation of their multicultural identity. When Japanese society recognizes the existence of children with multicultural identities, it is thought that this will indicate the realization of a multicultural society.

78 64 AKIKO KODA

79 SIGNIFICAÇÃO DO CARNAVAL NA SOCIEDADE JAPONESA 65 Semana do Japão

80 66 AKIKO KODA

81 SIGNIFICAÇÃO DO CARNAVAL NA SOCIEDADE JAPONESA 67

82 Brasil 9 Este artigo tem por objetivo tentar captar a transformação de identidades dos brasileiros residentes no Japão através do seu reflexo nas atividades culturais em que eles participam. Até hoje foram pouco pesquisadas atividades culturais nas comunidades brasileiras do Japão. Mas, quanto mais os brasileiros permanecem no Japão, tanto mais eles participam nessas atividades. E atividades culturais, eventos e festivais nas comunidades étnicas são lugares abertos para negociação complexa de identidades coletivas. Neste relatório, trata-se de um grupo brasileiro de dança contemporânea japonesa em Toyohashi, formado há um ano para participar de um evento da comunidade brasileira local. Além da dança, serão analizados rádio da comunidade, organização cultural (Associação Brasileira de Toyohashi e Região), outras atividades em que o grupo participa, porque ao longo dessas atividades eles se refletem sobre si. This article has the objective of capturing the transformation of the identities of Brazilians living in Japan through the prism of the cultural activities in which they participate. Until today, there has been little research about cultural activities in Brazilian communities in Japan. However, the more Brazilians remain in Japan, the more they participate in cultural activities. And cultural activities, events and festivals in ethnic communities are places open to the complex negotiation of collective identities. This article looks at a Brazilian contemporary Japanese dance group in Toyohashi, formed one year ago to participate in an event of the local Brazilian community. In addition to dance, the article analyzes community radio, a cultural organization (The Brazilian Association of Toyohashi), and other activities in which the group participates, because through these activities Brazilians reflect on their identity.

83 FORMAÇÃO DA IDENTIDADE DOS BRASILEIROS RESIDENTES NO JAPÃO 69 Concurso Miss Brasil-Japão

84 70 TAMAKI WATARAI brasileiro Brasil

85 FORMAÇÃO DA IDENTIDADE DOS BRASILEIROS RESIDENTES NO JAPÃO 71 Associação Brasileira de Toyohashi e Região Radio Nikkey DAY DAY YOSAKOI Brasil YOSAKOI YOSAKOI YOSAKOI

86 72 TAMAKI WATARAI Brasil YOSAKOI DAY YOSAKOI Brasil YOSAKOI DAY YOSAKOI Brasil Brasil

87 FORMAÇÃO DA IDENTIDADE DOS BRASILEIROS RESIDENTES NO JAPÃO 73 Brasil

88 A Adaptação Social e Econômica dos Migrantes Brasileiros no Japão: Um Estudo de Campo em Shizuoka, Yamanashi e Gunma 10 Aaron Litvin Pesquisador Visitante, Centro de Estudos Lusófonos, Universidade Sofia Palavras-chave: Adaptação; Brasileiros no Japão. This study analyzes the social and economic adaptation of Brazilian migrants in Japan through interviews conducted in both countries between 2006 and 2007 and through questionnaires applied in Chuo (Yamanashi), Oizumi, and Hamamatsu in The results of the completed questionnaires confirm three tendencies that had been suggested by the results of my prior research: first, the permanence of the dekasseguis presence in Japan; second, the occurrence of social and economic adaptation without cultural adaptation; third, the overwhelmingly financial (as opposed to ethnic or cultural) nature of the migrants decisions and outlook. Specifically, most of the respondents remained in Japan longer than initially planned, most went to Japan and then extended their stays for financial reasons, and the majority say that they are socially well-adapted and satisfied with their stay in Japan even among the many respondents who claim to dislike Japanese society. The results of this study indicate that the social adaptation of Brazilian migrant adults in Japan is not so much an adaptation to Japanese society as an adaptation to the routine of life and work in Japan and to the existing Brazilian enclaves in the country.

89 ADAPTAÇÃO DOS MIGRANTES BRASILEIROS NO JAPÃO 75 Desde 1987, mais de brasileiros, a grande maioria deles nikkeis e os seus cônjuges e filhos, migraram para o Japão, num fenômeno migratório conhecido como o movimento decassegui (Ministério da Justiça do Japão 2007). Nos últimos 15 anos foram escritos muitos livros, artigos e teses sobre este assunto, desde pesquisas sociológicas e antropológicas até relatos jornalísticos; as abordagens e os enfoques têm sido vários, de acordo com a variedade de repercussões da migração. No entanto, alguns aspectos do movimento decassegui têm sido analisados mais do que outros. De uma forma geral, pode ser observado que muitos dos autores concentram na questão de identidade. Acredito que o grande número de trabalhos sobre este aspecto se deve à complexidade da identidade nikkei e à popularidade do discurso sobre etnicidade e diferenças culturais muitos gostam de afirmar que os decasseguis são japoneses no Brasil e brasileiros no Japão ou que eles sofrem de uma profunda crise de identidade. Essas conclusões (favorecidas especialmente por reportagens em jornais e revistas), embora repetitivas, parecem não ter perdido o seu atrativo para acadêmicos e comentaristas. Outros autores abordam o tema desde a perspectiva transnacional e gostam de descrever um processo de criação de um novo espaço transnacional dos migrantes. A análise desde a perspectiva transnacional ajuda a entender os novos laços e redes sociais e econômicos que foram criadas devido ao movimento decassegui; no entanto, o discurso sobre transnacionalismo e espaços transnacionais corre o risco de promover uma idéia de uma comunidade decassegui que, na prática, tende a distorcer a realidade da população de migrantes brasileiros no Japão. O presente estudo procura revelar e relatar as principais tendências na adaptação social e econômica dos migrantes decasseguis brasileiros através de pesquisa de campo em três províncias do Japão: Shizuoka, Yamanashi e Gunma. A análise qualitativa de questionários aplicados nos três lugares serve para conhecer os perfis e as visões de alguns migrantes, para sugerir algumas caraterísticas gerais da população brasileira no Japão, para questionar algumas das ideías mais populares sobre decasseguis brasileiros, e também para comparar os processos de adaptação em cada lugar. Em particular, o estudo visa analisar as razões e os motivos das tomadas de decisões e as atitudes dos migrantes no contexto das pressões econômicos e das condições sociais enfrentadas. A pesquisa de campo no Japão realizada entre outubro de 2006 e julho de 2007 também consistia em entrevistas com migrantes e com funcionários de empreiteiras e de associações (oficiais e não-oficiais) para brasileiros no Japão. Em alguns casos, entrevistas com certos migrantes foram realizadas em varias ocasiões para acompanhar as mudanças no planejamento e nas vidas das pessoas. Também foram distribuidos questionários, com a intenção de coletar informações de mais migrantes. O uso de questionários também facilitou a obtenção de dados específicos e de impressões pessoais, já que eram ao mesmo tempo específicas e anónimas. Os formulários foram distribuídos e coletados até julho de 2007 em três cidades em províncias diferentes: Hamamatsu (na província de Shizuoka), Oizumi (na província de Gunma), e Chuo (na província de Yamanashi). Em alguns casos, os respondentes não residiam nas cidades acima mencionadas, devido às pessoas que estavam fora da cidade própria por trabalho ou atividades sociais. A escolha das cidades não foi aleatória; visava incluir cidades de vários tipos com populações de brasileiros diferentes em termos de tamanho e de presença histórica. Hamamatsu, uma das cidades com a maior proporção de residentes internacionais do Japão, têm recebido muitos migrantes brasileiros desde o começo do movimento decassegui pela abundância de indústrias e fábricas na cidade e nas cercanías; por conseguinte, Shizuoka é uma das duas províncias (a outra sendo Aichi) com a maior população de brasileiros no Japão. Hamamatsu também foi o local de alguns dos casos ínfames de brasileiros que tiveram

90 76 AARON LITVIN problemas com a lei japonesa ou se envolveram em acidentes de tránsito e depois fugiram para o Brasil. As reportagens jornalísticas publicadas no Japão sobre estes casos têm influenciado de forma negativa a fama de brasileiros no Japão, especialmente os de Hamamatsu. Oizumi, outra cidade escolhida para a aplicação do questionário, é o local do Japão mais famoso por ter uma população grande e muito concentrada de brasileiros, tanto que algumas pessoas, inclusive brasileiros, chamam Oizumi de o pequeno Brasil no Japão. A alta concentração de brasileiros (e de infraestrutura para a população brasileira, como escolas brasileiras, supermercados, e outras empresas) e a preeminência da cidade na história do movimento decassegui fazem com que seja um local interessante para aplicação do questionário, especialmente para poder comparar as respostas de Oizumi com as de outros lugares. A outra cidade, Chuo, fica perto de Monte Fuji, na província de Yamanashi. Nem a cidade nem a província tem fama de ter muitos brasileiros; de fato, Yamanashi tem menos de brasileiros (dados mais específicos não estão disponíveis) e a província nem fica entre as primeiras dez províncias com maior população de brasileiros no Japão. Em outras palavras, Yamanashi não é uma província tipicamente associada com migrantes e recebeu poucos migrantes, especialmente nos primeiros anos do movimento decassegui. No entanto, em Yamanashi também existem indústrias e outras empresas que precisam de mão-de-obra; portanto, agências e empreiteiras no Brasil encaminham brasileiros para Yamanashi, entre muitos outros lugares. Antes do recebimento dos questionários preenchidos, foi conjecturado que em alguns aspectos os diferentes locais mostrariam algumas caraterísticas distintas, especialmente em relação às opiniões dos migrantes sobre outros brasileiros e sobre a comunidade local. Além disso, como Oizumi e Hamamatsu têm sido dois centros da população brasileira no Japão desde 1990, foi esperado que estas cidades teriam mais respondentes que tinham morado no Japão por períodos longos. É importante enfatizar que os questionários foram aplicados visando a coleta de dados para interpretação qualitativa, e não para análise quantitativa. Quando possível, as perguntas são abertas, oferecendo aos migrantes a possibilidade de responder às perguntas e compartilhar as suas opinões da forma preferida. Em nenhúm caso os respondentes tinham que responder sobre uma impressão ou uma opinião usando uma escala de 1 à 5 ou semelhante. A pergunta sobre conhecimento da língua japonesa, por exemplo, não exigia um tipo de resposta específica como escala ou porcentagem, permitindo assim com que os termos e as formas de avaliação fossem fornecidos pelos próprios migrantes; graças a isso, respostas como 80% de conversação ou escrevo hiragana e katakana mas não kanji revelaram não simplesmente informações sobre o nível linguístico da pessoa mas também sobre as prioridades e perspectivas deles. As implicações destas e de outras respostas são analizados após a descrição do conteúdo do questionário e dos perfís apresentados pelos respondentes. Os questionários foram distribuidos por e para conhecidos em fábricas, escolas, supermercados brasileiros, associações culturais, e em situações informais. Como trata-se de uma análise qualitativa, a possível falta de representatividade e a escala limitada do estudo não afetam de forma negativa os resultados. Trata-se não de gerar estatísticas e dados quantitativos, mas coletar perfís de alguns migrantes e observar as tendências que aparecem. Por exemplo, as perguntas sobre a duração prevista e atual da estadia no Japão não servem para descobrir a duração média da estadia dos brasileiros no Japão, mas sim para ver se, de uma forma geral, os migrantes tendem a permanecer pelo período previsto ou por mais tempo. Neste sentido, a escala relativamente pequena e as perguntas abertas permitem um tipo de análise que seria impossível num estudo extenso de caráter quantitativo. Foi um total de 150 questionários distribuidos, 50 em cada cidade.

91 ADAPTAÇÃO DOS MIGRANTES BRASILEIROS NO JAPÃO 77 Apesar dos respondentes apresentarem uma variedade muito grande de experiências, circunstáncias e perspectivas, após uma consideração de todas as respostas recebidas é possível fazer algumas observações gerais. Os questionários sugerem três tendências: a permanência dos migrantes no Japão, a adaptação social e econômica sem adaptação cultural, e o caráter econômico (sem ser étnico ou cultural) da migração. Em primeiro lugar, os respondentes expressam o caráter permanente do movimento decassegui: embora tenha muitas pessoas que pretendem voltar ao Brasil, muitos acabam prorrogando a estadia ou decidindo ficar permanentemente, pelo conforto e pela adaptação dos filhos; além disso, continuam vindo migrantes novos para tomar o lugar dos que partiram e portanto o número de brasileiros no Japão continua aumentando todo ano. Esta tendência é notável especialmente entre migrantes que moram nos grandes centros de brasileiros, Hamamatsu e Oizumi. Muitos dos migrantes que tinham planejado ficar dois ou três anos no Japão acabaram ficando por mais tempo; surpreende o número de pessoas que estão no Japão há mais de dez anos apesar de ter vindo com a intenção de passar só alguns anos sem renovar o visto inicial. Os que ficaram raramente explicam a permanência dizendo que gostam do Japão; a maioria ou precisa de mais dinheiro ou fica pelos filhos que estão acostumados às escolas japonesas. Outra observação tem a ver com a atitude dos brasileiros frente aos outros brasileiros e à sociedade japonesa: muitos respondentes afirmaram que estão felizes, apesar de ter opinões negativas sobre os brasileiros e os japoneses na comunidade local. Por exemplo, várias pessoas escreveram que acham muitos brasileiros egoístas o pessoas ruins e que acham os japoneses frios e não simpáticos, mas mesmo assim estão satisfeitos com a vida no Japão. Uma tendência interessante, em particular, é que muito poucos dos respondentes e poucos brasileiros em geral, segundo as entrevistas feitas durante a pesquisa prévia e durante a pesquisa de campo recente mantém contato com parentes japoneses. Sendo que quase todos os migrantes são nikkeis (ou cônjuges de nikkeis), praticamente todos têm parentes japoneses. No entanto, poucos sabem ou procuram saber dos parentes japoneses. As questões de isolamento e discriminação também aparecem em mais do que a metade dos questionários preenchidos; muitos respondentes contam sobre discriminação ou fala de tensão social e isolamento de formas mais sutís, dizendo que os japoneses são frios ou tem medo de relacionar com os migrantes. Muitos expressam, embora de formas indiretas, um sentimento de solidão e uma percepção de exclusão social. Talvez seja por isso que muitos dos migrantes falam que estão bem adaptados apesar de não gostar tanto nem dos japoneses (por eles serem frios e afastados ), nem dos brasileiros (entre os quais tem muitos que estragam a imagem dos outros brasileiros). A adaptação social ao Japão, no caso, trata-se em muitos casos não de uma adaptação à cultura do país receptor mas de uma adaptação à rotina e aos enclaves brasileiros no Japão. A conclusão principal da pesquisa é o caráter econômico e nem um pouco étnico do movimento decassegui. É notável a enorme frequência das palavras financeiro e dinheiro ; ou seja, quase todos os respondentes citaram fatores econômicos como o motivo principal pela migração. Surpreende não o fato dos migrantes estiverem no Japão por motivos econômicos como a própria palavra decassegui reafirma, os migrantes obviamente estão no Japão principalmente para ganhar dinheiro e assim realizar objetivos mas a forma em que este fato aparece em quase todas as respostas no formulário. Os migrantes escrevem que decidiram ir para o Japão por dificuldades econômicas, decidiram permanecer mais tempo para economizar mais, acham que muitos outros brasileiros são egoístas porque só pensam em dinheiro, etc. A esmagadora maioria falou de motivações financeiros sem sequer mencionar interesses culturais ou pessoais. Ou seja, parece que o fator da identidade étnica influencia o movimento somente na hora de conseguir o visto de residência pelo fato de ser brasileiro nikkei.

92 78 AARON LITVIN O grande erro quando se fala do movimento decassegui e migração de retorno do Brasil para o Japão é a idéia de que trata-se de uma procura de raizes étnicas. Política imigratória de prioridade étnica necessariamente escolha pessoas da etnicidade igual ou próxima à etnicidade predominante no país receptor; no entanto, isto não implica que os migrantes têm motivação relacionada com a solidariedade ou identidade étnica. Em quase todos os casos observados, os fatores push e pull econômicos e sociais tais como estabilidade econômica e segurança pública, ou a falta dessas condições representam as preocupações principais dos migrantes. Os decasseguis brasileiros são, de fato, migrantes transnacionais. No entanto, este transnacionalismo não se trata de alguma espécie de identidade cultural híbrida. O movimento decassegui, de uma forma geral, trata-se de um grupo de indivíduos que tentam agir racionalmente pelos seus interesses socioeconomicos de acordo com as condições no Brasil e no Japão enquanto enfrentam as conseqüencias inesperadas das suas próprias escolhas.

93 The Role of Religion in the Process of Adaptation of Brazilians of Japanese Ancestry to Japanese Society: The Case of the Roman Catholic Church 11 Hugo Córdova Quero Ph.D. Candidate in Interdisciplinary Studies, Graduate Theological Union; Visiting Researcher, Center for Lusophone Studies, Sophia University Keywords: Brazilians migrants; Japanese ancestry; adaptation; Roman Catholic Church; spiritual dimension; religious organizations. A religião está sempre presente nos fenômenos migratórios. Junto com a cultura, a língua e o capital social de toda e qualquer comunidade transnacional, a religião representa um papel importante no processo de adaptação dos imigrantes à sociedade receptora. Brasileiros de ascendência japonesa vivendo no Japão não são exceção. Dentro das inúmeras experiências religiosas que estes migrantes trazem ao país, o catolicismo romano é predominante. Entretanto, o encontro entre católicos brasileiros e japoneses nos limites de uma mesma paróquia provouse, no mínimo, conflitante. Por outro lado, dentro do rol de atividades étnicas da Igreja Católica Romana, a missa em português para a brasileiros surge como um exemplo de atividade com papel encorajador no processo de adaptação à sociedade japonesa. Esta pesquisa foi desenvolvida a partir de trabalhos de campo simultâneo em múltiplas áreas de seis paróquias da região de Kanto. Revelou-se uma disparidade entre o catolicismo romano enquanto instituição, que reproduz as mesmas divisões raciais e étnicas da sociedade; e as atividades étnicas, que incentivam os migrantes a se estabelecer na sociedade japonesa.

94 80 HUGO CÓRDOVA QUERO Migration today furthermore imposes new commitments of evangelisation and solidarity on Christians and calls them to examine more profoundly those values shared by other religious or lay groups and indispensable to ensure a harmonious life together. The passage from monocultural to multicultural societies can be a sign of the living presence of God in history and in the community of mankind, for it offers a providential opportunity for the fulfillment of God s plan for a universal communion. Erga Migrantes Caritas Christii 1. - Introduction A brief review of the state-of-the-art in research about Brazilians migrants of Japanese ancestry in Japan reveals common trends. First, most of the case-studies tend to focus their attention in regions where density of Brazilian population is high. Those regions are characterized for having many social networks already established. Second, most of the researches tend to prioritize issues related to economy or the job market, and only consider issues of daily life as collateral effects of those realms. Third, in consequence, they tend to ignore issues such as religion and religious organizations; political beliefs and activism; or gender and sexuality; by considering them too personal or too controversial. However, ignoring those areas prevent us to apprehend the fullness of the migrants experiences. Finally, the discussion between quantitative vis-à-vis qualitative research renders Brazilian migrants of Japanese ancestry in two different worlds where their lives are examined partially. In this sense, new directions on the research about this topic are not only important but necessary in order to understand the full extent of the presence of Brazilian migrants amidst Japanese society. This is especially significant in regions where there is a low density of Brazilian population. My research aims to take a step forward into that direction. For the past two years I have conducted multi-site fieldwork in the Kanto region, especially in Tokyo City and the prefectures of Chiba, Ibaraki, Saitama, and Gunma. Additionally, I have visited places in the prefectures of Kanagawa, Shizuoka, Osaka, Kyoto and Hyogo. Through qualitative research, I focus on the case of Brazilian migrants within the Roman Catholic Church (RCC). I seek to explore how religious organizations as the RCC function as a social network that deals with issues of daily life of migrants. Also I have conducted surveys in order to determine the profile of the population under study. In many of the places where I conducted fieldwork, the density of population is very low, having some of the parishioners to travel up to two hours in order to attend religious services (which the RCC calls mass), or to find a Brazilian supermarket. Although issues of work and economy are present in the interviews that I conducted among Brazilians migrants who attend the RCC, many other issues are also brought into light. Such issues, among many others, are the struggles families undergo in adapting to the Japanese society; the education of the children; the problems arising as a consequence of inter-racial dating and partnerships; the language barrier when they do not speak Japanese; health problems and the lack of doctors who could speak Portuguese; concerns about the future; and the like. The myriads of issues make this kind of places an attractive space for discovering the many layers of the daily life of migrants in Japan. The present article presents preliminary findings of my study. 2. Different notions about the incorporation of migrants How do Brazilian migrants of Japanese ancestry incorporate themselves into the life of the Roman Catholic Church in Japan? How does this affect their incorporation into the broader Japanese society? The RCC as an institution faces similar dilemmas to those present amidst broader Japanese society. In other words, there is not a unique way for the incorporation and

95 PAPEL DA RELIGIÃO NO PROCESSO DA ADAPTAÇÃO 81 adaptation of migrants into the host society. Thus, the responses are also varied and dissimilar from place to place. It could be helpful to trace the different schools that propose notions about the incorporation of migrants into a new society. This has been extensively developed in the United States, and it has become a source for other countries in the world to face their own situations. Applying those notions to hypothetical cases within the RCC in Japan could offer us some interesting clues. The prevalent sociological paradigms in the United States have traditionally been the assimilationist and the cultural pluralist schools. Nonetheless, in the last decades these approaches have been questioned by new scholarly analysis, especially from scholars who argue in favor of multicultural and multiethnic societies Assimilationist school Assimilationism was first proposed in the book of R. E. Park, Race and Culture, where he develops his ideas based on the concern of racial homogeneity and the formation of the nationbody (1950: 206). The assimilationist school has traditionally been known as the melting pot image, which was first described by Emerson in 1845, as it is analyzed in Gordon s key-work, Assimilation in American Life (1964:117). According to this notion, immigrants undergo several stages of assimilation to a host society. On this, Grosfoguel (2004) summarizes: First, they become acculturated to the values, norms and culture of the host society. Usually it takes two or three generations to lose their native language, values and culture of origin. Second, once assimilated ( ), the residuals of the country of origin identity are eradicated as well as any discriminatory obstacles that could affect their successful incorporation to the labor market ( ). In following Grosfoguel we notice that those who incorporate into a host society are required to de-culture themselves in order to absorb the given dominant culture. In turn, it does not require any change for the dominant culture. However, it seems that Park could not disregard the reality of skin differences or physical traits as mechanisms of separation between racial groups and the consequent impossibility of full assimilation. Park states that these differences or traits provoke natural sentiments of distant racial relationalities ( ). Applying the notion of assimilationism to the case of Brazilians of Japanese ancestry within the RCC in Japan we could delineate its consequences as a de- brazilianization, that is requiring them, for example, to only worship and pray in Japanese and not in Portuguese; to bow at the moment of peace instead of physical expressions such as shaking hands; and to abandon their cultural heritage in order to assume Japanese culture. The result would be considering the new generations as Japanese without any mention of their ethnic origin. In my observations at gatherings of the RCC staff where this issue has been discussed, the predominant view still sees the incorporation of migrants to the life of the church through the lenses of an assimilationist pattern. In other words, they expect the new generations to abandon Portuguese language and to conduct life exclusively in Japanese. Schmidt (1992) analysed the cases of the United States and Canada, countries with a long tradition of migration and debates over language acquisition by migrants in host societies. He states that for many supporters of multicultural education policy (...) asking people to give up their native language as the price for full participation in society is in fact a denial of equality (253). The idea of cultural melting has been present within the RCC. Traditionally since Vatican Council II ( ) RCC scholars have seen ethnic masses as a transitory contribution (Newman 1968: ). According to this notion, once the new generations are merged into

96 82 HUGO CÓRDOVA QUERO mainstream society, the ethnic masses would dissapear. Nonetheless, following the aforementioned observations of Park in terms of skin differences, we could question if a full assimilation can occur among Brazilians in Japan, especially when they are of mix-race ancestry. Gordon has also noticed this fact. In his work he took into account the main religious organizations of the United States (Catholicism, Protestantism, and Judaism), and reported how in the processes of assimilation to a host society, some ethnic groups tend not to assimilate into one melting pot but keep multiple melting pots or sub societies within a larger society (1964: ). Therefore, in light of the experience of countries with a long history of migration, such as the United States, the expectations of Brazilians of Japanese ancestry of melting completely within Japanese society seem not to be supported by the socio-historic processes developed in other countries. In the same way, descendants of Koreans or Chinese in Japan as well as mix-race people are not completely assimilated into Japanese society. (Murphy-Shigematsu 2003: 214) Cultural Pluralist school The cultural pluralist school, is the result of the work of N. Glazer in collaboration with D.P. Moynihan. Inspired by the work of Park, they expand on how assimilationism in the United States works distinctively according to specific ethnic groups by preventing a homogeneous assimilation and producing a culturally differentiated one (1963:13-14). The cultural pluralistic notion still expects a linguistic and cultural assimilation of migrants while maintaining an ethnic component to their identity. On this Grosfoguel (2003) states: Groups lose their language and customs but ethnicity continues to be recreated in a new form of identity that is neither a melting pot nor a simple repetition of their communities of origin s ethnicity (316). In the United States, for example, this has been the case of second and third generation of Italian migrants descendants who no longer speak the Italian language and who do not follow all the cultural traditions of Italy, but keep their ethnic origin very clearly through the use of the label Italian-American. In the case of Canada, cultural pluralism has taken a particular path. It has framed multiculturalism in a bilingual system (Porter 1975: ). Applying this to the case of Brazilian of Japanese ancestry within the RCC, we could expect a church that still requires them to worship and pray in Japanese after abandoning the need for a mass in Portuguese, and, therefore, to conduct themselves according to Japanese cultures and norms, while at the same time considering them Brazilian of Japanese ancestry. Some staff people within the RCC believe this to be the option. Nevertheless, in his analysis of the cultural pluralist notion, Gordon (1964:138) also states that the different incorporation of specific ethnic groups into the broader society carries out consequences that in some cases are negative. In the same way, Glazer and Moynihan suggest that it is the national ethos of a country that structures people (...) into groups of different status and character (1963: 291) in order to differentiate those who are not part of the national body. Thus, it also enhance social stratification on the ground of ethnic origins. In fact, social stratification occurs ad-extra of migrants decisions and is in place prior to their arrival to a host society. In the same way, the fact that new generations of Brazilians children of Japanese ancestry born in Japan are being called Brazilians or zainichi burajirujin (Brazilian residents). Takenoshita (2006:62) states that social stratification occurs despite the efforts of migrants to contribute with their own cultural capital to the cultural capital of the broader Japanese society. Observing the history of assimilation of other ethnic groups into Japanese

97 PAPEL DA RELIGIÃO NO PROCESSO DA ADAPTAÇÃO 83 society, such as Koreans and Chinese born and raised in Japan,1 we can infer that the situation of the new generations of Brazilian children would undergo a similar path. For example, Murphy-Shigematsu (2003: 200) has reported that children of Korean and Chinese migrants who are born in Japan cannot attain citizenship except through a process of naturalization. The children of Brazilians in Japan are experiencing the same circumstances Adaptation and the negotiation of spaces Evidently, we are at the thresholds of a process which we cannot completely anticipate. What we are seeing is that Brazilian migrants are taking agency in recreating ethnic spaces in order to survive the ethnic melting as well as the differential incorporation to Japanese society. As aforementioned, Takenoshita has already pointed out that the human capital of migrants is not a guarantee for their social mobility or for changing their different incorporation into the Japanese social stratification (2006: 62). Therefore, Brazilians in Japan have done what other Brazilians have also done, for example, in the United States. They have recreated ethnic spaces amidst the host society. Margolis research among Brazilians migrants in New York reports about the creation of Little Brazil, a commercial and cultural Brazilian pocket within the island of Manhattan (Margolis 1994: ). A similar situation is currently happening in Oizumi town in Gunma Prefecture, where the 6,200 Brazilians (over a population of 42,000 inhabitants) are the majority among foreigners (Coleman 2007). Oizumi is called Little Brazil by some people. In the same way, within the RCC parishes, Brazilians have managed to re-create spaces with mass in Portuguese where they can continue to live faith in the cultural pattern that is familiar to them. However, the issue of relationality of both Japanese nationals and Brazilian migrants and their integration within the same church remains an unresolved issue. In other words, Japanese and Brazilian migrants share the same building but they have little or no contact between them. In their attempts to adjust to the new reality of Japanese culture and society, Brazilians of Japanese ancestry have to negotiate aspects of their own identity and culture while resisting assimilation. One of the results of assimilation is the erosion of the ancestral cultural identity, or in lesser cases, the recognition of a symbolic cultural past that nevertheless is subsumed within the hegemonic cultural pattern of the host society. Strategies to resisting this situations do not posses ready-made steps to follow but do require experiential negotiations. Therefore, in their attempts to cope with the process, Brazilians of Japanese ancestry in Japan select elements of Brazilian culture that are necessary to survive in Japan, while selecting elements of Japanese culture that they need to acquire to function beyond the ethnic circles. The result is an adaptation to the new environment that not always meets the expectations prevalent in Japanese society but it is a process that bears the marks of Brazilian migrants own agency. It is worth quoting Tsuda (2003) at length. Following De Vos, Hallowell, Zhou and Bankston, he defines adaptation as follows: Social adaptation refers to a group s ability to cope with its culturally constituted behavioral environment (Hallowell 1955) by either modifying or maintaining its behavioral patterns. ( ) Adaptation is an assessment of social success and is usually measured in terms of occupational, educational, and social mobility in a given society ( ). Therefore, judgments of the behavior of a minority group as socially adaptive or mal-adaptive are culturally relative and depend on each society s collectively held standards of social success or failure (268). 1 Although less in use, Korean and Chinese residents who are born in Japan are also referred to as zainichi gaikokujin or foreign resident aliens. See Kondo (2001:9).

98 84 HUGO CÓRDOVA QUERO In this sense, the new generations of Brazilian migrants of Japanese ancestry retain, discharge, or re-shape elements of their ethnic culture depending on how that culture meets their needs in the host society, in this case, the Japanese society. Removed from an either/or pattern, this Brazilian way of performing the adaptation process would produce a third space, a hybrid space whose by-product could destroy the binary opposition of fixed cultures, and enable migrants for renegotiations of their fluid identities. I understand hybridity not as a negative element but as a place of resistance and negotiation of identities (Tan 2001: 124). Furthermore, it also points out to the fact that when migrants are seen as lacking social and cultural capital necessary to fit into a host society, we are applying upon the migrants a set of cultural expectations that do not correspond with their own reality (Belmes 2001). Back to their home country, all migrants do posses social and cultural capital to fit in society. Once living in a host society, migrants need to negotiate their social and cultural capital in order to adato to the new environment. This is very different from considering them as completely lacking any cultural and social capital. 3. The Roman Catholic Church in Japan and the adaptation of migrants In many of the churches that I have been conducting fieldwork, there are elements for the promotion of the negotiation of identities as a distinctively pattern of adaptation that does not fall into the framework of assimilationism. Moreover, migrants within the RCC account for more than half of its membership, which in turn prevent us from talking about them as a minority. This bears some consequences at the time of considering not only the negotiations of identities but also the relationality that migrants establish with the nationals. At present time, Christians in Japan counts as around one million. Migrants from Latin America along with Filipino and other ethnic groups constitute the majority among Christians in Japan. According to Mullins (2006), who relies on official reports, the total number of Japanese belonging to a Christian Church of any kind is about percent of the total population of Japan. This projection of Mullins shows us that Christianity is a minority in Japan. Contrasting the numbers of Japanese Catholics with that of non-japanese Catholics shows, according to the Minoshima Pastoral Center (2007), that Japanese Catholics in Japan are about 441,906 (46%) of the total number of Catholics while non-japanese are 480,000 (54%). This data is still in the range of approximation due to several reasons. First, although it is estimated by Mullins that less than one percent of the 127 million population of Japan is Christian, it is very difficult to have certainty about the exact number as the Japanese national census does not include a section related to religion. Second, we also encounter a problem when it comes to estimations about Christianity, which is the lack of incorporation of migrants into the statistics of the different denominations, as they usually focus solely on national parishioners. The recent increment of membership registered by the Catholic Bishop s Conference of Japan (2007) still lacks the data on migrants within the RCC. Although, according to Kawaguchi (2007:95) in some places, migrants account up to 81% of the Catholics. The lack of information about migrants within the RCC is paradoxical, as in larger Japanese society statistics as well as information from the registration system constantly report about the total number of foreign residents at national and local levels. The numerical absence of foreigners within the RCC has repetitively been observed in my research, especially when it shows the scarce interaction between nationals and foreigners within the same parish. Despite the fact that official teachings of the RCC recognize universal membership (Erga Migrantes, #39), migrants are guests in their own church. This emphasizes that religious organizations are always part of the process of adaptation of migrants to a host society while sharing with the broader society the dilemmas of that process.

99 PAPEL DA RELIGIÃO NO PROCESSO DA ADAPTAÇÃO 85 As foretold, we cannot misinterpret adaptation as assimilation. In consequence we can also relativize the assumption that religious organizations would be a place for the total erosion of the ethnic components of a migrants community background and tradition. Mullins (1987: 326) has pointed out that ethnic churches would definitively assimilate over the course of several generations once the original migrant s generation has disappeared. However this process could be reverted with the arrival of a significant number of new migrants (Mullins 1987: ). In migratory patterns of transnational communities the links from the sending country and the host society are kept open through constant waves of new-comers and/or the development of a cycle migration. According to Tsuda (2003: 239), Brazilians of Japanese ancestry in Japan have already begun a process of circular migration, something that has already started among Brazilian migrants in the United States during the 1990s (Margolis, 263). Given this scenario, it is likely that new Brazilian migrants along with their families would arrive at the same time that the second and third generations of previous migrants waves are debating whether to assimilate into Japanese society. As Japanese labor market still needs foreign workers, and Brazil continues to face economic instability, the conditions for people to migrate remain in place. Thus, it reproduces the migrants flow between Brazil and Japan. In my case study, this would, in consequence, allow for new migrants to incorporate into different religious organizations, including the RCC. As foretold, the expectations of some RCC staff that ethnic masses would eventually disappear are likely not to be accomplished under the current process of migration between Brazil and Japan. One characteristic in Christianity, particularly Roman Catholicism, as well as other religions that have memberships in both countries, is that the need for exclusively ethnic churches or temples does not exist. As it is the case of other ethnic groups in religious organizations, within the RCC in Japan national and foreign members merely co-exist in the same place. Nonetheless, with exception of a few places, the majority of parishes show the reality that the interaction of both groups is almost nonexistent. Tendency is to keep masses in different languages at different times and, even, different days, thus enhancing the scarcely low contact among nationals and foreigners. Furthermore, the limited time and space that migrants are permitted for activities at local levels also transforms their religiosity. This has been observed in other transnational communities within the RCC, such as Dominicans in the US as reported by Levitt (2001: ). Low contact between nationals and foreirners in the RCC constitutes a common situation that parallels those also observed at factories where, for example, nationals and migrants eat at different tables during lunch break (Roth 2002:46; Tsuda 2003: 16). In few places, representatives from the ethnic communities are present in the parish council, the local body of government in the RCC, but their role is to transmit back to their ethnic groups the decisions that have already been made by the nationals. The exceptions to these situations are those places where nationals and foreigners have managed to integrate their activities. They represent the minority of cases. What they have achieved is integration around a certain social project (Córdova Quero 2007: 37). Nevertheless, the process has been slow and colored by different obstacles that had to be overcome. In those places, it is customary to hold an international mass once a year, where all cultures and languages are taking into account. 4. The three-fold role of the Roman Catholic Church Notwithstanding, within the ethnic space of the Roman Catholic Church -in my case study the masses held in Portuguese- the benefits for the migrants are significant at large. I have found out in my research that the Roman Catholic Church, as well as other religious institutions, maintains at least a three-fold role in relation to the migrants.

100 86 HUGO CÓRDOVA QUERO First, the Roman Catholic Church offers the newcomers with a space where their language is spoken, their culture reproduced and their situations understood. For someone who has recently not only left her or his own country, but also the known culture through which life is experienced; relatives and friends who guarantee social and emotional support; and the security of a home; this is a tremendous contribution. It counters feelings of anomie, loneliness (or saudade, as Brazilians call it in Portuguese) and isolation in a strange land. Thus, the role of socialization into the fellow s community in the diaspora is facilitated. Even the people who serve the migrants at church encounter the same problems. One of my interviewees, Sister Pamela, a Roman Catholic nun in her late 50s expressed: I came to Japan after living in many countries apart from Brazil. I came without knowing how to speak Japanese language, although I was able to speak many other languages. In Japan, for the first time in my life, I felt that I was analphabet. I could not read signs or understand what the people were telling me. I was not young and I have to learn the language in a hard way. Because of her work, she was able to finally learn the basics of Japanese language. Along her years in Japan, she has dedicated to take classes in order to master the language. On the contrary, many workers neither have the time nor the money to afford a Japanese language class, which are extremely expensive. The role of the RCC in granting a space where the language of the migrants is spoken is a major contribution to them. Notwithstanding, some parishes have started to offer Japanese language classes in an attempt not only to foster the knowledge of the migrants but to help with the expensive price that migrants would otherwise be unable to pay at a regular Japanese language school. On the other side, it could also create, enhance, reproduce and perpetuate a ghetto state that would not allow people to leave the safe delimitations of the ethnic community. Furthermore, within some parishes where several ethnic groups share the same space at different times and in different days, it maintains a separation that mirrors that of broader Japanese society. The boundary between both situations is at the least fragile. In places where the concentration of Brazilian population is high, it could be even not necessary to speak Japanese, which in turn deepens the lack of social integration of the migrants into the broader Japanese society. Second, the space of the Roman Catholic Church becomes a bridge fostering connections with the broader social networks such as international programs at the city or town level, legal information, counseling or contact with health organizations, among many others. This constitutes an important step into the process of adjusting to life in Japan, at least allowing migrants to connect to those sectors of society that are related to their daily lives. This implies for those organizations within the RCC serving the migrants to navigate the difficult waters of Japanese legal system, which increasingly emphasize regulation and control (Kawaguchi, 97). Thus, the Church helps the migrants to face different situations in daily life. Third, the Roman Catholic Church, an organization that deals with the faith of people, fulfills the inner/existential dimensions that allow Brazilian migrants to maintain a spiritual well-being. I will expand on this in the next section. 5. New faith in the new land? 5.1. Rosinha The majority of the migrants interviewed have expressed that they did not attend church in Brazil. When consulted about their experience after migration, my informants expressed that they have found their faith while in Japan. Rosinha, one of my informants narrated her

101 PAPEL DA RELIGIÃO NO PROCESSO DA ADAPTAÇÃO 87 experience as follows: In Japan I have found faith again. I was born catholic in Brazil, but did not have really faith. Now I have faith I have knowledge of Jesus, and I am happy! If I have a problem, I have Jesus. Therefore, if I have problems, I know I will overcome them Rosinha even expressed her opinion about other migrants religious experience: Many Brazilian only think in earning money and more money in Japan They do not think about religion. But I believe that almost 70% of the people sooner or later find again [reencontram] their faith while in Japan Rosinha is not so far from the reality of many of the people that I have interviewed. Some people even have discovered a religious vocation while in Japan. Two of my informants have decided to follow religious training. Flavio, a man in his early 20s, will become a diocesan priest. Stela, a woman in her early 30s, will become a nun within an international religious order. Both decided to follow their religious vocation after their arrival and committed participation within the RCC in Japan Flavio I met Flavio in one of my fieldwork sites. He was very enthusiastic about the idea of a researcher paying attention to issues of faith and migration. In an interview he spoke about his faith experience as follows: I was born into a Roman Catholic family. My father is Japanese and converted to Roman Catholicism. My mother is descendent of a traditionally Catholic Portuguese family. So when I was a baby, I was baptized at the [Roman Catholic] parish in our neighborhood. However, I did not take the rite of confirmation, and as I grew up, I did not practice Roman Catholicism actively. It was when I arrived to a church in Japan and decided to volunteer for a special project that I discovered other aspect of the Church. There was an spiritual dimension to the Church that was completely new tome. I took a catechesis course and was confirmed the same year at the Roman Catholic Church. I remember that first year after my arrival to the Church as to being in love. I wanted to be at church every day, to play the guitar and enjoy the company of people, especially young people in whom I found new friends. Flavio discovered a new face of the Church. As our conversation went further, I asked about the issue of conversion, he expressed: I have to change some things in my life in order to get a better communion with God and with the people at church. I was less and less interested in going to bars or discos. I never smoked, so that was not a problem for me. I was not interested in dating girls, either. It was easy for me to follow my decision to become a priest. I felt that in loving God more and more I could be a better human being for others. Along our interview, Flavio constantly highlighted that loving God is the ultimate goal in his life. Since he has been involved with the Roman Catholic Church, his life has become better, especially now that he feels his life has a clear direction, which is to serve God. Hence,

102 88 HUGO CÓRDOVA QUERO becoming a priest was for Flavio the best option in his life. The experience of Flavio is not unique, but it shares a common trend with other migrants. Hirshamn (2003) have pointed out that migrants tend to become more religious in the host society. He states: Customary religious practices, such as attending weekly services, lighting candles, burning incense in front of a family altar, and reciting prayers are examples of communal and family rituals, which were brought from the old country to the new. However, these activities often take on new meanings after migration. The normal feeling of loss experienced by immigrants means that familiar religious rituals learned in childhood, such as hearing prayers in one s native tongue, provide an emotional connection, especially when shared with others. These feelings are accentuated from time to time with the death of a family member or some other tragedy. (...) [R]eligious beliefs and attachments have stronger roots after immigration than before (6-7). In this sense, people reach out to religious organizations not only for the already known social services and networking, which could also be offered by non-profit organizations (NPOs), but also to take care of their inner persona. Nonetheless, the degree to which the religious experience is reached by migrants varies from individual to individual. Not every person who discovers faith in Japan is prone to become a religious leader, but with the strength coming from their faith, the majority of people start to adjust to Japanese society in different degrees. For example, the relations at work are not easy but some of my informants have mentioned that they seek to be in good terms with their fellow Japanese workers. In their daily life, people have better tools to face the struggles to live in a society and culture that is very different from their own Father Mauro Many of the clergy that I interviewed are aware of these situations and, therefore, attempt to be present in the life of their Brazilian parishioners in a more active and understanding manner. Father Mauro, one of my informants expressed: The needs of Brazilians migrants are very different from those of the Japanese people. Migrants constantly worry about jobs and money, and always dream with returning to Brazil They can come to church if there have time, if they do not have to work on Sundays In Japan, the migrants embrace faith in a different way. But they do not have enough knowledge of their faith Although most of the time second and third generation of Brazilians of Japanese ancestry inherited Roman Catholicism, they still have to understand that faith Nonetheless, when they are stressed, alone, or lacking affection, they feel that there is a church waiting for them From the words of Father Mauro, we can see that the spiritual function of the RCC is very important for the life of Brazilian migrants and cannot be separated from its social functions in a clear-cut manner. They interact and produce a process that helps Brazilians to live their daily life amidst Japanese society, by encouraging and supporting them morally and socially. Many researchers have only pointed towards the social role of the Roman Catholic Church in different geographical contexts. However, my research agrees with Mira (2003:149) that nowadays the RCC in Japan is not the only organization that guarantee a space of socialization. As foretold, many other organizations, NPOs and governmental organizations fulfill this

103 PAPEL DA RELIGIÃO NO PROCESSO DA ADAPTAÇÃO 89 role accordingly. Therefore, the role of the RCC has expanded to other areas that are also vital for the survival and adaptation of Brazilian migrants to Japanese society, including moral support, hope, ethical counseling and spiritual well-being. Without those elements, life in Japan becomes a routine that menaces the fragile stability of their existence as migrants. It is that support which is helping families to be together despising the many struggles of living in a foreign land. Without family cohesion, many people would succumb to depression and hopelessness. It is that moral and ethical support that may prevent some people to err in their actions in an increasingly surveillance society. Moreover, the role of the RCC in the process of adaptation of Brazilian migrants to Japanese society ventures in terrains that other organizations may not consider to be part of their mission. In this way, the lines of interaction in present times could be drawn closer if migrants are incorporated at the level of structures of hierarchy, formation of future priests, political decisions and/or budget planning. This empowerment could also foster their adaptation to Japanese society. To the valuable support at a personal level, allowing migrants to also participate in the political organization of the RCC could not only prove to be the way to acknowledge the richness and variety that the RCC posses worldwide, but also to venture further into the lands of multiculturalism in an increasing global world. In doing this, the negotiations of identities of Brazilians of Japanese ancestry would be placed into a positive perspective. 6. Conclusions and continuance Throughout this article I have presented some preliminary findings of my on-going fieldwork throughout the kanto region of Japan. In participant observations and interviews I have seen many Brazilians migrants taking agency of their life and fostering a better future for themselves and their families while in Japan. I have also observed that the Roman Catholic Church, within the boundaries of the ethnic religious services, help them in that process. As a religious organization, the RCC adds the spiritual role as a third dimension to the traditional roles of socialization among the ethnic grops members and networking of the migrants with organizations of broader society. It is that third role that allows the RCC to be a positive environment for migrants while adapting to the hardships of Japanese society, thus promoting their well-being. Notwithstanding, the fact remains that the RCC as an institution needs to renew itself in terms of the relationality between nationals and foreigners. In most of the RCC parishes, migrants have almost no contact with the nationals. This is a fruit of the reproduction of dynamics from broader Japanese society. A positive step towards overcoming this has been the creation of the Catholic Commission of Japan for Migrants, Refugees and People on the Move. Created by the Catholic Bishops Conference of Japan in 1988, this commission has taken an active role in bridging the contact and communication between nationals and migrants in many aspects. Due to the fact that the steps towards a church that fully welcomes and incorporates migrants at a national level are just beginning, it still constitutes a challenge for the RCC in Japan. This is not the case at the level of some local parishes, which have been able to overcome this situation. They could be an example for the Roman Catholic Church at its national level to pursue a different path. The three-fold role of the RCC among Brazilian migrants of Japanese ancestry is important for their well-being and daily life in Japan. This makes the RCC a valuable organization in the networks supporting migrants in Japan. Migrants benefit from this while also contributing slowly to the continuance of this valuable space. The challenge remains in relation to broader Japanese society in terms of finally achieving bridges to connect nationals to foreigners. The RCC at the local level can offer important experience to this process.

104 90 HUGO CÓRDOVA QUERO References Belmes, Paula Cultura en los Sectores Populares: Modelo para Armar. Paper presented at the Seminar La Cultura de los Sectores Populares y el Orden Social Contemporáneo, IDAES-UNSAM, Buenos Aires. (Unpublished). Catholic Bishop s Conference of Japan Statistics of the Catholic Church in Japan Tokyo: CBSJ. Coleman, Joseph Foreigners, if conspicuous, hard to fit in: Gunma Brazilians mirror dilemma of closed Japan having to open up, The Japan Times, January 24. Internet; accessed March 10, 2008; available at: search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn f1.html. Córdova Quero, Hugo Worshipping in (Un)Familiar Land: Brazilian Nikkeijin Migrants within the Roman Catholic Church in Japan. Encontros Lusófonos 9: Glazer, Nathan, and Daniel Patrick Moynihan Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians, and Irish of New York City. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Gordon, Milton M Assimilation in American Life. New York: Oxford University Press. Grosfoguel, Ramón Race and Ethinicity or Racialized Ethnicities? Identities within Global Coloniality. Ethnicities 4, 3: Hirschman, Charles The Role of Religion in the Origins and Adaptation of Immigrant Groups in the United States. Paper presented at the conference on Conceptual and Methodological Developments in the Study of International Migration, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University, May Kawaguchi, Kaoru Toward a Multi-Cultural Church Community. The Japan Mission Journal 61:2 (Summer): Kondo, Atsushi Citizenship Rights for Aliens in Japan. In Atsushi Kondo (ed.), Citizenship in a Global World: Comparing Citizenship Rights for Aliens. New York, NY: Palgrave, Levitt, Peggy The Transnational Villagers. Berkeley: University of California Press. Margolis, Maxime L Little Brazil: An Ethnography of Brazilian Immigrants in New York City. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Minoshima Pastoral Center Japanese Catholic Church s Members. Internet, accessed on June 21, 2007; available at: Mira, João Manoel Trabalhadores Latino-Americanos no Japão. In Hiroyuki Mito (ed.), La Inmigración Latinoamericana en Japón / A Imigração Latino-Americana no Japão. Nagoya: Universidad de Nagoya, Mullins, Mark The Life-Cycle of Ethnic Churches in Sociological Perspective. Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 14, 4: (2006). Between Inculturation and Globalization: The Situation of Roman Catholicism in Contemporary Japan. Paper presented at the annual Conference of the American Academy of Religion, Georgetown University, Washington D.C., USA, on November 20. Murphy-Shigematsu, Stephen Identities of Multiethnic People in Japan. In Mike Douglass and Glenda S. Roberts (eds.), Japan and Global Migration: Foreign Workers and the Advent of a Multicultural Society. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, Newman, Jeremiah Race, Migration and Integration. Baltimore, MD: Helicon Press. Park, Robert Ezra Race and Culture: Essays in the Sociology of Contemporary Man. New York, NY: The Free Press of Glencoe/MacMillan. Pontifical Council for the Pastoral Care of Migrants and Itinerant People Erga Migrantes Caritas Christi (The Love of Christ Towards Migrants). Vatican City: Pontifical Council for the Pastoral Care of Migrants and Itinerant People. Porter, John Ethnic Pluralism in Canadian Perspective. In Nathan Glazer and Daniel P. Moynihan (eds.), Ethnicity: Theory and Experience. Cambridge, MS: Harvard University Press, Roth, Joshua Hotaka Brokered Homeland: Japanese Brazilians Migrants in Japan. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Schmidt, Ronald J Language Policy and the Pursuit of Equality: Canada and the United States. In Anthony M. Messina, Luis R. Fraga, Laurie A. Rhodebeek, and Frederick D. Wright (eds.). Ethnic and Racial Minorities in Advanced Industrial Democracies. New York: Greenwood Press, Takenoshita, Hirohisa The Differential Incorporation into Japanese Labor Market: A Comparative Study of Japanese Brazilians and Professional Chinese Migrants. The Japanese Journal of Population 4, 1 (March): Tan, Chong Kee Transcending Sexual Nationalism and Colonialism: Cultural Hybridization as Process of Sexual Politics in 90s Taiwan. In John C. Hawley (ed.), Post-colonial, Queer: Theoretical Intersections. Albany, NY: State University of Nedw York Press, Tsuda, Takeyuki Strangers in the Ethnic Homeland: Japanese Brazilians Return Migration in Transnational Perspective. New York: Columbia University Press.

105 Migrantes Brasileiros em Yaizu, Shizuoka, Japão - Um Perfil Sócio-econômico 12 Roberto Maxwell Mestrando em Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Shizuoka; Graduado em Geografia pela Universidade do Rio de Janeiro Palavras-chave: Yaizu; migração; brasileiros migrantes; nikkei; local. This paper makes an analysis about the Dekassegui flow, the migration movement of South Americans arriving to Japan in order to work at the industrial sector. It mainly focuses on the experience of those who migrated to and settled in the city of Yaizu, located in the Shizuoka Prefecture at the center of the country. It presents results from a survey conducted among Brazilian residents in the city of Yaizu, who responded to a questionnaire during my one year fieldwork. The research benefited from applying empirical methods. Therefore, this paper provides a socio-economic profile of the Brazilian community at Yaizu while relating it to the mainstream of the Dekassegui flow to Japan.

106 92 ROBERTO MAXWELL 1. Introdução De acordo com o Ministério da Justiça japonês, brasileiros estavam registrados como residentes no Japão no final de Pouco menos de 20 anos antes, esse número não passava de O fluxo decassegui, como é conhecido no Brasil o movimento migratório de descendentes de japoneses para a Terra do Sol Nascente, não pode ser entendido fora do contexto das migrações internacionais contemporâneas. Por outro lado, algumas de suas especificidades não devem ser ignoradas. Uma delas é o fato de se tratar de um fluxo de retorno. Não o outrora proclamado retorno do migrante em si embora isso tenha ocorrido em alguns casos mas de membros de um mesmo grupo étnico. Também merece destaque o embasamento legal que promove este movimento migratório. De acordo com a lei de imigração japonesa, alterada em 1990, descendentes de japoneses de outras nacionalidades até a terceira geração bem como seus cônjuges e filhos podem obter vistos que lhes permitem residir e trabalhar no país. Por fim, deve-se, ainda, destacar como peculiar desse fluxo migratório a concessão do direito à entrada e permanência vinculada a um laço consanguíneo. Em seu limiar, o movimento migratório de brasileiros descendentes de japoneses para a terra de seus ancestrais teve como característica marcante a estadia relativamente curta do migrante, fruto das facilidades de circulação financiamento dos custos de transporte por parte dos empregadores, visto de re-entrada no Japão expedido sem muitas exigências entre os dois distantes países. No entanto, os problemas sócio-econômicos do Brasil e permanente necessidade de mão-de-obra no Japão, dentre outros fatores, vêm prolongando a estadia dos brasileiros em solo nipônico. Estas facilidades na entrada/re-entrada no país receptor bem como as contradições da sociedade brasileira produziram um migrante permanentemente temporário, em outras palavras, um indivíduo para quem as portas do Brasil e do Japão estão, aparentemente, sempre abertas. Essa condição gera uma expectativa permanente de retorno ao país de origem e uma ilusão de temporariedade que é facilmente desconstruída por números que apontam que os brasileiros estão ficando cada vez mais tempo no Japão e que a grande maioria dos que retornam para o Brasil acabam vivendo novas experiências migratórias. Essa ilusão produzida e reproduzida pelo migrante e sua família, pelos órgãos planejadores do governo japonês e por outros atores desse processo social gera uma série de interpretações do fenômeno migratório que, por sua vez, geram confrontos de interesses entre migrante e nativo, governo e sociedade, capital e trabalho que estouram em situações-limite que vêm colocando em xeque uma sociedade para a qual o controle da natureza, do ser social, do indivíduo por si próprio é umas das mais prezadas características. Este artigo foi baseado numa pesquisa de um ano realizada na cidade de Yaizu, localizada na província de Shizuoka e visa oferecer um olhar sob a imigração partindo da perspectiva do local. Foram realizadas 69 entrevistas com os trabalhadores brasileiros da cidade e vivências de campo com o intuito de montar um perfil desse grupo de migrantes. Além da pesquisa quantitativa, foram realizadas frequentes observações de campo, incluindo trabalho voluntário como professor de uma escola local para brasileiros e entrevistas em órgãos públicos municipais e associações civis, como sindicatos de trabalhadores. As experiências coletadas entre os migrantes brasileiros na cidade são relatadas sinteticamente neste trabalho. 2. Sobre a área pesquisada: a província de Shizuoka e a cidade de Yaizu O Japão é dividido em 47 províncias. A província de Shizuoka é localizada na região Chubu, sub-região Tokai, na costa central do Pacífico. A população da província é de habitantes para uma área de 7, km2. Sua capital é a cidade de Shizuoka. 23 municípios e 19 vilas fazem 1 Dados de outubro de 2006.

107 MIGRANTES BRASILEIROS EN YAIZU 93 parte da província. Em Shizuoka vive a segunda maior população de brasileiros no Japão. Shizuoka é considerada uma das mais industrializadas províncias do Japão. Localizada entre as duas maiores cidades do país Tóquio e Osaka, Shizuoka é bem servida por uma vasta infra-estrutura de transporte. A via expressa Tomei conecta Tóquio a Nagoya e cruza a província de leste a oeste, assim como as linhas Tokaido de trem-bala e trem comum da Japan Railways. Está sendo construída, também, uma segunda via expressa Tomei e o Aeroporto Internacional Monte Fuji, localizado na cidade de Shimada, há 30 minutos da capital. A cidade de Yaizu é localizada no noroeste da província de Shizuoka, há 15 minutos de trem da capital. Faz fronteira ao norte com a cidade de Shizuoka e Okabe, ao sul com Oigawa, a oeste com Fujieda e a leste é banhada pela baía de Suruga, a qual é o motor de grande parte da economia da cidade. Duas estações da linha Tokaido de trens são localizadas no território do município: Yaizu e Nishi-Yaizu. Há também uma entrada para a via expressa Tomei e dois portos: Kogawa e Yaizu. A área da cidade é 45,87 km2 e a população em abril de 2006 era

108 94 ROBERTO MAXWELL habitantes. Estrangeiros somavam pessoas, representando 1,98% da população local. Os brasileiros formavam o maior grupo e eram cerca de 45% de todos os não-japoneses da cidade. Dentro da província de Shizuoka, Yaizu ocupava, em 2005, a quarta posição em número de brasileiros registrados. A economia de Yaizu é baseada na indústria pesqueira. De acordo com o sítio da cidade na internet, nos portos de Kogawa e Yaizu circulam, por ano, toneladas de de frutos do mar extraídos da costa e do mar aberto. São mais de 42 de bilhões de ienes anuais de movimentação financeira, Associadas com o porto e a pesca, há uma indústria de processamento formada por cerca de 900 pequenas e médias manufaturadoras que empregam 12 mil pessoas e geram 400 bilhões de ienes por ano. 3. Um ponto-de-vista sobre o migrante brasileiro em Yaizu 3.1. Sobre a pesquisa quantitativa, alguns dados gerais e o mundo do trabalho De acordo com a Prefeitura Municipal de Yaizu, brasileiros estavam registrados como residentes na cidade em 2006, 81% maiores de 16 anos. Destes, 53% eram homens e 47% mulheres. A pesquisa quantitativa em que se baseia este artigo foi realizada durante o ano de 2006 e contou com a aplicação direta de um questionário a moradores brasileiros da cidade contactados em suas casas em bairros de alta concentração de brasileiros como Tajiri e Isshiki, em lojas de produtos brasileiros e na fábrica Onaga Massuda. Foram coletadas 69 amostras. 81% dos respondentes estava na faixa etária de 18 a 55 anos e 57% deles eram do sexo masculino. Dos entrevistados, 90% estava trabalhando sob contratos com firmas empreiteiras em fábricas de corte/beneficiamento do peixe (68%) e em outras indústrias. Trata-se de trabalhadores em atividades que não exigem qualificação. 80% possuíam visto de 3 anos e 17% eram portadores do visto de residente permanente. A maior parte dos brasileiros em Yaizu vieram do estado de São Paulo, onde vive a maior parte dos descendentes de japoneses no Brasil. Quanto à cidade de origem, 32 localidades foram mencionadas. Porém, chamou a atenção a cidade de Bastos, que foi citada por quase 20% dos entrevistados. Trata-se de uma cidade de pouco menos de 22 mil habitantes localizada no noroeste do estado de São Paulo. Bastos tem uma longa história de ocupação japonesa. De acordo com o site da prefeitura local, em 1928, a Sociedade Colonizadora do Brazil Ltda. comprou, com o suporte do governo japonês, terra na região, a qual foi dividida em pequenas propriedades e financiada a famílias japonesas. Nessas propriedades, iniciou-se a criação da bicho-da-seda. Durante os anos 50, a região tornou-se o mais importante centro produtor de seda no país. Com a entrada da seda sintética no Brasil, Bastos foi obrigada a diversificar sua economia. Hoje, a cidade é a maior produtora de ovos de galinha do país. De acordo com uma das informantes desta pesquisa, uma historiadora vivendo na cidade como decassegui há 10 anos, os primeiros migrantes brasileiros de Yaizu foram recrutados na cidade de Bastos, ainda nos anos Ela relata que os recrutadores buscavam mão-de-obra disciplinada, formada por pessoas educadas no seio da comunidade japonesa, de modo que se adaptassem mais facilmente à rígida hierarquia do trabalho no país. Esse depoimento abre caminhos para um estudo mais aprofundado sobre a chegada dos brasileiros na cidade. Baseado em dados da prefeitura da cidade, o que pode se dizer com certeza é que os primeiros migrantes brasileiros registraram-se na cidade em Foram 28 indivíduos que iniciaram um crescimento ininterrupto até 2001 e, desde então, a população de brasileiros na cidade vêm sofrendo um pequeno declínio, conforme se vê na gráfico abaixo. Apenas 16% dos entrevistados veio ao Japão pela primeira vez depois de Mas 68% deles não se dirigiu diretamente para Yaizu e 55% viveu em outras províncias além de

109 MIGRANTES BRASILEIROS EN YAIZU 95 Shizuoka. Mesmo os que viveram apenas na província declararam ter passado por outras cidades além de Yaizu. Outras pesquisas apontam para a mesma fluidez na mobilidade dos brasileiros no território japonês. Migrantes como estes não possuem trabalhos estáveis e podem mover-se/serem movidos para qualquer parte do território onde sejam necessários como mão-de-obra suplementar. Por outro lado, 52% dos moradores brasileiros de Yaizu declararam estar vivendo na cidade por mais de 6 anos e durante as observações de campo, foram ouvidas muitas depoimentos de pessoas que pretendiam ficar na cidade por mais tempo. Sobre as razões que levaram o migrante a escolher Yaizu, as opções do questionário foram classificadas em cinco grande grupos: trabalho, rede pessoal, infra-estrutura para brasileiros, qualidade de vida na cidade e outros. Conexões pessoais foram citadas por 32% dos respondentes, enquanto o trabalho foi importante para 29% destes. Takenoshita (2008a) discute a importância das redes sociais na vida dos migrantes brasileiros no Japão em um de seus trabalhos e conclui que pessoas envolvidas em redes sociais densas (nas quais as pessoas mais próximas de um indivíduo são todas conhecidas entre si) têm menos probabilidade de sofrer estresse psicológico. Além disso, outras pesquisas apontam o destaque que as redes sociais têm no posicionamento do migrante no mercado de trabalho. A segunda razão mais citada o trabalho também merece algumas considerações. Boa parte dos moradores de Yaizu trabalha no corte e beneficiamento do peixe, uma indústria com alta dependência em mão-de-obra em contraste com a indústria automobilísitca e de eletroeletrônicos que emprega boa parte dos brasileiros vivendo no Japão. É um trabalho considerado sujo e perigoso, propenso a acidentes. Dentro do grupo estudado, cerca de 30% declarou ter sofrido algum tipo de acidente de trabalho. Por um erro metodológico, não foi possível saber se os trabalhadores sofreram o acidente relatado na indústria pesqueira. A quantidade de trabalhadores sem seguro social ou de saúde é alta. 34% dos entrevistados

110 96 ROBERTO MAXWELL declarou não estar inscrito em qualquer tipo de seguro de saúde. Numa fábrica de processamento de pequeno porte, o corte do atum é feito com instrumentos como a serra, a lixa e o goshi-goshi, este um facão com o qual a pele do peixe congelado é extraída. Operários que trabalham na serra e no goshi-goshi recebem o melhor pagamento por hora da trabalhada. Um trabalhador experiente costuma receber a 1.450/hora. Mulheres não são comuns nesta atividade, considerada pesada e perigosa. Para elas, é geralmente reservado trabalho na embalagem e pesagem dos produtos. São serviços com remuneração menor, variando entre e 1.050/hora. Uma empresa que recruta brasileiros para o trabalho em fábricas explica que mulheres são melhor remuneradas em indústrias de eletroeletrônicos, onde são realizados trabalhos que exigem melhor coordenação motora fina. Essas distinções mostram que o fenômeno migratório também sofre influência das questões de gênero. Em termos comparativos, o pro-labore por hora pago aos trabalhadores do peixe costuma ser um pouco maior do que o oferecido em outros tipos de indústria. Porém, o trabalho exige mais esforço físico do trabalhador e é realizado dentro de câmaras resfriadas a 0 graus Célsius. Por isso, a possibilidade de fazer horas extras algo que é sempre posto em consideração pelo operário brasileiro na hora de escolher um trabalho é menor. Mesmo assim, 51% dos trabalhadores declarou sempre fazer horas extras. No grupo pesquisado, 36% trabalha até 8 horas diárias. O número é considerado alto se comparado com dados publicados pelo Departamento de Assuntos Internacionais da cidade de Hamamatsu, localizada na mesma província que Yaizu. De acordo com esta pesquisa, apenas 6.3% dos trabalhadores declarou trabalhar até 8 horas por dia. Considerando o salário mensal, os trabalhadores de Yaizu que recebem mais de mensais correspondem a 73% do grupo estudado. Tomando com base os dados de Hamamatsu citados no parágrafo anterior, apenas 53% dos trabalhadores alcança essa faixa salarial. Em Yaizu há escritório do Shizuoka General Union, um sindicato de trabalhadores que atua na província. No ano da pesquisa, 350 trabalhadores eram afiliados ao órgão, 150 deles brasileiros. Segundo um dos diretores do sindicato Toshio Mishima, os maiores problemas envolvendo trabalhadores de origem brasileira são demissão sem justa causa, acidentes de trabalho e nãoinscrição no shakai hoken, o seguro social, por parte dos empregadores. No momento que o sin-

111 MIGRANTES BRASILEIROS EN YAIZU 97 dicato foi visitado, haviam 20 processos envolvendo os direitos de trabalhadores brasileiros As relações com a comunidade e a questão da adaptação Uma das principais diferenças entre o Brasil e o Japão é em relação à vida em comunidade. Na Terra do Sol Nascente, atividades comunitárias são o ponto forte das relações de vizinhança, especialmente em cidades pequenas como Yaizu. Neste trabalho, estão sendo entendidas como atividades comunitárias a separação do lixo do bairro, limpeza das ruas, parques e praias e outras que visam zelar pelos espaços de uso coletivo, inclusive as áreas comuns de prédios públicos. Para os japoneses, a participação neste tipo de atividade é tida como obrigatória. No Brasil, por sua vez, esse tipo de atividade ocorre apenas esporadicamente e, muitas vezes, está relacionada com o ativismo social. Para um brasileiro médio, por exemplo, a responsabilidade de limpar a praia é da governo. Portanto, muitos brasileiros não vêm sentido em participar desse tipo de atividades comunitárias. No entanto, os japoneses consideram necessário reservar tempo para o engajamento nessas tarefas. Vale lembrar que a carga horária de trabalho dos nativos também é alta. Apenas 13% dos entrevistados declarou participar de atividades comunitárias com frequência e 41% nunca participou. Na pesquisa empírica, houve depoimentos de pessoas que alegaram cansaço devido à carga horária de trabalho. A (não) participação em atividades comunitárias é apenas um dos pontos de atrito entre japoneses e brasileiros. Há questões referentes ao comportamento com relação à separação do lixo, barulho dentro de casa e nas áreas comuns dos prédios, estacionamento em local proibido etc. Quase todos os entrevistados declarou não ter problemas de relacionamento com os vizinhos. Porém, uma visita a locais de alta concentração de migrantes como o Sumiredai Danchi 2 revela um conflito com essa pretensamente pacífica relação de vizinhança. É proibo (sic.) fazer barulhos à noite e de madrugada e nem atos que incomodem aos outros esse é o título de várias placas que podem ser vistas num conjunto habitacional onde vivem muitos brasileiros. Córdova Quero (2008) discute a questão das construções da idéia do que é ser nihonjin (japonês) em contraposição ao ser nikkeijin (descendente de japonês) na sociedade japonesa. Para este autor, placas como as que contêm o texto escrito acima assumem uma função de reforçar as diferenças entre essas duas categorias, atribuindo aos brasileiros (ou nikkeijin) comportamentos que os diferenciam dos nativos (nihonjin) e que estão fora dos padrões socialmente aceitos. Ou seja, de um lado, há os problemas causados pela convivência entre grupos culturalmente diferentes. Do outro, existe aquilo que é tido como atitude característica de um ou outro grupo, sem considerar os indivíduos em si. Ainda no quesito da relação com o outro e já partindo para os problemas de adaptação, é necessário pontuar a questão da (não) aquisição da língua japonesa. O fato de muitos brasileiros que vivem no Japão não falarem japonês tem recebido bastante atenção da mídia local e dos pensadores de políticas públicas para o segmento. Não falar japonês é tido como o elemento principal que impede a adaptação do migrante à sociedade local, como revelam diversos políticos em seu discursos. De fato, ninguém pode negar o quanto falar a língua de um país facilita as relações pessoais com os nativos, o uso dos serviços públicos, dentre muitos outros aspectos que tornam a estadia do estrangeiro/migrante muito mais confortável e independen- 2 Danchi signifca conjunto habitacional.

112 98 ROBERTO MAXWELL te. Por outro, não é surpresa que a primeira geração de migrantes tenha um domínio da língua limitado, em comparação com as posteriores. Não há nada de novo dentro do universo dos estudos migratórios no fato desta pesquisa apontar que boa parte dos brasileiros de Yaizu não domina a língua japonesa além do uso necessário ao entendimento do trabalho na fábrica. Também não é novo o fato de governo e a maioria étnica de uma sociedade receptora levante a questão da língua como um problema na assimilação do migrante e, em última instância, uma ameaça à integridade cultural nacional e ao próprio conceito do que é ser nacional ou de quem é considerado nacional. Portanto, o problema da não-aquisição da língua japonesa por parte dos brasileiros radicados no Japão é, antes de mais nada, um embate cultural que se desdobra em custos sociais (o governo precisa manter estrutura para atender às demandas diferenciadas dos estrangeiros, por exemplo) e segue por outros caminhos. Como se pode ver com o florescimento do negócio étnico (empresas especializadas em oferecer produtos e serviços para determinado grupo étnico minoritário) e a própria locação dos brasileiros no mercado de trabalho, a falta de conhecimento da língua local não é, no momento, um impeditivo para o migrante se inserir na sociedade, mesmo que marginalmente. 4. Políticas públicas e serviços oferecidos aos brasileiros e a questão da educação Neste sentido, os produtores de políticas públicas podem caminhar em dois lados, opostos mas não excludentes entre si. Um deles é partir para a institucionalização de práticas que impeçam efetivamente o migrante que não tem o domínio da língua de se inserir na sociedade. São políticas que negam determinados direitos (nacionalização ou a renovação/obtenção de visto) aos não-falantes. O discurso público do governo central japonês parte para esse caminho. Recentemente, a imprensa no Japão vêm noticiando planos de exigir conhecimento de língua japonesa para a renovação dos vistos dos estrangeiros já residentes no país. O governo não discute como será tratado os casos dos trabalhadores temporários que vêm à serviço de empresas multinacionais ou mesmo dos estrangeiros que vêm para o país atuar como professores de língua estrangeira, um vasto mercado de trabalho no Japão. Portanto, parece que o alvo são os trabalhadores recrutados para atividades não-qualificadas. Outro rumo vêm sendo tomado por boa parte dos governos locais de cidades e províncias com grande concentração de estrangeiros. São políticas que buscam prover serviços direcionados aos imigrantes em suas próprias línguas, incluindo aulas de japonês. Na cidade de Yaizu, são oferecidos alguns serviços dessa natureza. No ano da pesquisa, cidade empregou tradutores em órgãos públicos como a prefeitura e hospitais municipais; manteve um boletim mensal em português, com informações principalmente sobre direitos e deveres e funcionamento da burocracia; proveu suporte escolar para crianças brasileiras; e, finalmente, ofereceu aulas de japonês para adultos em horário noturno. De acordo com a pesquisa, o nível de satisfação dos entrevistados com os serviços oferecidos na cidade era alto. Porém, poucas crianças brasileiras estavam matriculadas em escolas públicas e o número de alunos arrolados nas aulas de japonês noturnas era reduzido. Isso levanta questões acerca da eficácia das políticas e de seu real impacto na vida dos moradores brasileiros na cidade. No quesito educação de crianças, alguns dados foram reveladores. Em 2006, 19% dos brasileiros da cidade eram menores de 16 anos. A prefeitura não forneceu dados relativos a quantas dessas crianças estão em idade escolar (entre 6 e 15 anos de idade). Porém, era de 36 o número de meninos e meninas matriculados no ensino básico local. Por outro lado, as duas 3 escolas étnicas brasileiras que haviam na cidade na época da pesquisa atendiam a 94 3 Uma das escolas, o Colégio Águia, mudou-se para um prédio localizado numa outra cidade, mas ainda atende crianças provenientes de Yaizu.

113 MIGRANTES BRASILEIROS EN YAIZU 99 crianças de Yaizu e cidades vizinhas. A escola que serviu de base para a observação de campo desta pesquisa, o Colégio Águia, atendia a 29 crianças do maternal à 7a. série, no período das sete às dezenove horas. Contava com sete profissionais e voluntários, sendo que apenas três deles trabalhavam em regime integral. Dois deles acumulavam as funções de administração e ensino. Sendo que uma era responsável, ainda, pelo mucae, ou seja, o transporte de professores e alunos. Duas das profissionais eram japonesas, uma delas atuava como professora da língua local e outra como professora de artes. Ambas eram voluntárias. Apenas dois dos profissionais um deles, voluntário tinha habilitação para ensinar nas primeiras séries do ensino básico. Todos os profissionais eram graduados e apenas uma das professoras não possuía habilitação para ensinar. As classes eram multi-seriadas e as crianças eram divididas em grupos de acordo com a faixa etária. Porém, como haviam poucas crianças a partir da 3a. série (ou 4o. ano de escolaridade), os alunos a partir deste nível formavam uma classe única. A rotatividade dos alunos também era relativamente grande. Durante o período de acompanhamento (cerca de seis meses), houve alguns casos de alunos que deixaram a escola durante o período letivo porque os pais se mudaram de endereço ou retornaram para o Brasil. Também houve novas matriculas de crianças recém-chegadas à cidade, uma delas pela primeira vez no Japão. Dentre os alunos, havia uma criança cuja mãe era de nacionalidade venezuelana e outra cujo pai era japonês e a mãe filipina. Este segundo caso é de um menino que foi matriculado pelo padrasto, de nacionalidade brasileira. A rotatividade de profissionais também é grande. O grupo formado durante o período de observação se desfez pouco depois da pesquisa ter sido encerrada. O currículo era baseado no modelo sugerido pelo Ministério da Educação do Brasil, principalmente no documento conhecido como Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais. Todas as turmas, desde a pré-escola, tinham aulas de japonês por, em média, 2 horas/aula por semana. O conhecimento de japonês dos alunos era bastante limitado. O material didático utilizado era proveniente do Brasil e fornecido por um famoso sistema de ensino do país. Produzido para um contexto completamente diferente, não é preciso dizer que os livros e apostilas não atendiam boa parte da demanda daqueles alunos em situação tão especial. A escola funcionava num prédio construído para ser uma casa. Portanto, tudo era adaptado para o novo uso, nem sempre nas melhores condições de segurança ou de ensino. A limpeza e manutenção do prédio era feita pelas duas profissionais responsáveis pela administração e, eventualmente, com a ajuda de alguns pais. Apesar de ter surgido como uma instituição privada, o Colégio Águia partiu para uma experiência de gestão comunitária, com a eleição de pais e profissionais representantes que deveriam formar um colegiado responsável pela administração e pelas decisões pedagógicas. No entanto, desde que o conselho foi formado, diversos problemas foram surgindo, vários deles relacionados à falta de interesse dos pais e profissionais na gestão da escola. Houve, ainda, problemas de origem pessoal que acabaram afastando uma das administradoras. No momento que a pesquisa de campo foi encerrada, o conselho gestor da escola ainda existia, mesmo com problemas em seu funcionamento. 5. Á Guisa de conclusão A grande maioria das pesquisas realizadas com migrantes brasileiros no Japão partem da perspectiva do local com o intuito de buscar generalizações, ao invés de especificidades. Na maior parte dos casos, a situação do migrante brasileiros vivendo em áreas de concentração costumam servir como base para o entendimento do fenômeno migratório como um todo. Isso não ocorre apenas no Japão. Em outros países, o local é o laboratório onde o cientista social coleta amostras para entender o processo mais amplo do fenômeno. A pesquisa apresentada

114 100 ROBERTO MAXWELL neste artigo aponta que não há incongruência neste processo. Práticas transnacionais, comunidade étnica, serviços públicos e muitas questões aqui apresentadas vão ao encontro do que vêm sendo pesquisado em outras regiões do Japão acerca dos migrantes brasileiros. Por outro lado, a situação de Yaizu nos aponta para a necessidade de entender o processo dentro da dinâmica do local. O fato dos trabalhadores de Yaizu serem, em sua grande maioria, profissionais da indústria pesqueira é um ponto diferencial considerável, uma especificidade que deve ser levada em conta. Uma das frases que mais ouvidas durante a fase da observação foi uma vez no peixe, sempre no peixe. Era uma forma de dizer que o migrante chega a Yaizu, fixa-se e não quer deixar a cidade. De fato, não foram poucos os depoimentos de pessoas que não pretendiam trocar a cidade por outra. Na pesquisa quantitativa não foi possível confirmar se há uma tendência ao estabelecimento do migrante brasileiro na cidade. Por outro lado, essa fala pode ser interpretada de muitos modos. Um deles relacionado à construção de um ideal de comunidade, mesmo que este não seja verificado através de práticas associativas. Estudos baseados no local não precisam desprezar os aspectos globais dos fenômenos. Porém, não se pode esquecer da etimologia da palavra cidadão. Num ambiente onde as práticas transnacionais são hipervalorizadas, o imigrante pode sentir-se um ser paciente de um processo inevitável que o expulsa de seu país de origem e o coloca numa fábrica de outro país. Isso é um mal que afeta, também, o pensamento acadêmico sobre o tema. Para muitos estudiosos, o migrante é vítima de um processo perverso. Olhar os fenômenos sob a lente do local, pode colocar esse raciocínio em xeque e abrir espaços que valorizem a prática comunitária e, por fim, o entendimento de que o indivíduo também é parte do processo. Ferreira (2000) discute esse tema de forma crítica e escreveu o seguinte em um de seus trabalhos: Na produção do espaço precisamos, portanto, levar em consideração o Estado, e pensarmos até que ponto a inserção e a re-inserção do dekassegui pode se dar por meio de sua atitude. Assim, como os próprios dekasseguis possam partir para uma organização reivindicando e construindo seus direitos. Nesse momento o espaço torna-se território (8). Transformar o espaço do migrante em território do migrante ainda é uma construção. Mas, está em processo. Esse para que esse processo se consolide é preciso, também, valorizar e discutir as práticas locais. Referências Bastos, Município de Internet; disponível em: < Acessado em março de Bauman, Zygmunt Vidas Desperdiçadas. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar. Beltrão, Kaizô Iwakami, and Sonoe Suguhara Permanently Transient: Brazilian Dekasseguis in Japan. Revista Brasileira de Estudos Populacionais 23, 1. Internet; disponível em: < php?script=sci_arttext&pid=s &lng=en&nrm=iso>. Acessado em dezembro de Carleial, Adelita Trabalho e Redes de Solidariedade Aos Migrantes. Scripta Nova - Revista Electrónica de Geografía Y Ciencias Sociales 1 (August). Barcelona, Universidad de Barcelona. Córdova Quero, Hugo To be Nikkeijin or... Not to Be : Identity Formation Dilemmas Among Brazilians of Japanese Ancestry Migrating to Japan. Palestra apresenteda na Conferencia From Nikkeijin To Nikkei - Searching For New Approaches To Studying Nikkeijin. Sophia University, Tóquio, 16 de fevereiro. Ferreira, Ricardo Hirata O Confronto dos Lugares no Imaginário do Migrante Dekassegui. Anais do Segundo Encontro Nacional Sobre Migração da ABEP. Belo Horizonte: ABEP Brasil Ou Japão: O Espaço do Consumo e a (Re) Inserção do Dekassegui. Internet; disponível em: < ra.pdf>. Acessado em maio 2006.

115 MIGRANTES BRASILEIROS EN YAIZU 101 Hamamatsu-shi Kikakubu Kokusaika Hamamatsu-shi ni Okeru Burajirujin Shimin no Seikatsu Shuuroo Jittai Chosa. Hamamatsu. Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE) Bastos. Internet; disponível em: < ibge.gov.br/visualizacao/dtbs/saopaulo/bastos.pdf>. Acessado em janeiro de Ishikawa, Eunice Akemi Kazoku wa Kodomo no Kyooiku ni Doo Kakawaru Ka. In Teruyuki Hirota (ed.), Readings - Nihon no Kyooiku to Shakai - Dai 3 Kan Kosodate Shitsuke. Nihon Tosho Center. Pires Jr., Roberto Public Policies For Brazilian Migrants In Yaizu City - Shizuoka Prefecture - Japan. Overmundo. Internet; disponível em < Acessado em março de Portes, Alejandro, and Ruben G. Rumbaut Legacies: The Story Of The Immigrant Second Generation. California: University of California Press., and Robert L. Bach Latin Journey - Cuban And Mexican Immigrants In The United States. Los Angeles: University Of California Press. Reveco, Cristian D Transnacionalismo y Nuevas Perspectivas de Integración. In Primer Coloquio Internacional Migracion y Desarollo: Transnacionalismo y Nuevas Perspectivas de Integración. Mexico. Internet; disponível em < teoriasdecambio/lacth/lasld-345.html>. Acessado em janeiro de 2007 Sales, Tereza, and Márcia Loureiro Imigrantes Brasileiros Adolescentes e de Segunda Geração em Massachussets, EUA. REBEP 21, 2. Disponível em < php?caderno_id=427&nivel=1>. Acessado em janeiro de Sasaki, Elisa Massae Dekasseguis: Migrantes Brasileiros no Japão. In Anais do Encontro Brasileiro da Associação Brasileira de Estudos Populacionais. ABEP. Internet; disponível em: < usuario/gerencianavegacao.php?caderno_id=125&nivel=3>. Acessado em maio de Takenoshita, Hirohisa. 2008a. Social Capital and Mental Health among Japanese Brazilian Migrants In Japan. Paper presented during the master course lectures, Shizuoka University b. Circular Migration and its Socioeconomic Consequences: The Economic Marginality among Japanese Brazilian Migrants in Japan. In Tai-Chee Wond, and Jonathan Rigg (ed.), Asian Cities, Migrant Labour and Contested Spaces. Copenhagen: NIAS press, no prelo. Tsuda, Takeyuki Strangers in the Ethnic Homeland: Japanese Brazilians Return Migration in Transnational Perspective. New York: Columbia University Press.

116 Sidelight: A Visual Insight About Brazilian Immigrants to Japan from the Perspective of Another Brazilian Immigrant to Japan 13 Ricardo Yamamoto Free-lance Photographer Keywords: Nikkei Burajirujin; migrations; globalization; transnational corporations; second generation of Brazilian migrants; children education; modeling agencies. Em abril de 1991, juntamente com minha mãe e com minha irmã mais velha, fiz uma viagem ao que para nós era um lugar desconhecido chamado Japão. Nossos objetivos: Primeiro, trabalhar duro por um ano. Segundo, juntar o máximo de dinheiro. E terceiro, retornar ao Brasil e comprar uma casa. Porém, após passado um ano, descobrimos que os nossos planos haviam mudado e que o nosso sonho não estava mais tão claro. Dezesseis anos depois, olho ao me redor e vejo que a mesma história acontece com a maioria dos Nikkei Burajirujin que vieram à esta terra com os mesmos sonhos de prosperidade. E quando a questão Por quê nos perdemos pelo caminho? me vêm à cabeça, acabo sempre pensando sobre a gobalização. Será que os Nikkei Burajirujin são também um produto da globalização?

117 INTROSPECÇÃO VISUAL SOBRE IMIGRANTES BRASILEIROS 103 More than ever, I feel that human race is one: There are differences of color, language, culture and opportunities, but people s feelings and reactions are alike. Sebastião Salgado, Migrations: Humanity in Transition 1. Self-portrait My name is Ricardo Yamamoto and I am a Brazilian of Japanese ancestry, or as people would call me in Japanese, a Nikkei Burajirujin. When I was considering the possibility presenting a paper in this workshop, I thought that since I am not a researcher that could be a barrier. However, I also thought to myself that being a Brazilian immigrant myself, it could be beneficial for other researchers to hear my own experiences. I am a photographer and these pictures are also related to the experience of others who, like me, have the same reality of living and working in Japan. I offer these insights on my experience and those of my work as a contribution to the common knowledge that we will embrace in this workshop today. These pictures are stories and experiences of real people. In April of 1991 I joined my mom and my older sister on a trip that took us to what was for us a strange place : Japan. My father and younger brothers remained in Brazil and I was a 17 year-old who had just finished High School. Furthermore, I had never worked in my whole life because my father, who is a civil engineer, had managed to support our family of seven until then. But the economic and social situation of Brazil pushed us to take the opportunity and, as a consequence, our family had to separate. Brazil underwent several economic changes since the 1960s. The military dictatorship that lasted between 1964 to 1988 left the country in economic turmoil. When democracy returned to the country, the economic measures taken made by successive governments definitely located Brazil among the lowest income per capita in the Americas. In 1991 and 1992, the Plano Collor (Plan Collor) alone carried out by President Fernando Collor de Mello and designed to combat inflation, led many small shop owners and middle-class families

118 104 RICARDO YAMAMOTO at the risk of downward social mobility. The Plan s policies included the freezing of 80% of the private assets for 18 moths; an extremely high tax-raising on all financial transactions; and the elimination of most fiscal incentives. As a result, many business closed and migration became an option for many of the former shop owners. Willing to find an option to defend ourselves from the economic situation of the country, my family and I looked towards Japan. Our goals in migrating to Japan were: First, to work hard for one year. Secondly, to save as much money as we could. And thirdly, to return to Brazil, buy a house and, in my case, to continue my studies at graduate school. Nonetheless, given the economic instability of Brazil, my family was not able to support me in that dream under those circumstances. For example, the monthly fee of a very accessible course at Faculdade Paulista de Artes (São Paulo Art University), in São Paulo, is currently no less than 35,000 yen. However, any student working full time in a shoes store or in an office would earn no more than 30,000 yen per month. Moreover, having an academic degree is not a guarantee of finding a job. Hence, this prevents most of the population, as it would also prevent myself, from dreaming about upward social mobility. We arrived to Japan on April 14, A staff person from the broker company (empreteira) was waiting for us at Narita Airport. From there, he took us to the house in Daito, Shizuoka prefecture where we would live. The broker company provided us with basic elements for our staying, such as futons, bed sheets and kitchen utensils. Three days later we had our first day of work at a factory. There, we worked assembling wires that connects all the electronic parts of a car. I had never felt so tired as in that first day of work. On a regular day I was to stand still for about 10 hours while working. At the end of the month, along with the salary came a bill for paying for the elements that the broker company provided us the day we arrived. Checking the bill we realized that the prices that we were charged for every item were, to say the least, twice as much than a regular shop. Although not completely satisfied with the broker company, we did not have any other option for the moment. Nonetheless, I had never felt so rewarded than when I bought a beautiful mountain bike with the money left from that first paycheck. For me, that meant the starting point of a new life, one made of sacrifice and seduction. 2. Change of perspectives After one year had passed and many things happened in between, we found out that our plans had changed and our dreams had become unclear. Life in a factory connects people to an enclosed world, which creates a dependance with the broker company. Furthermore, people rely on the broker company to find their way in terms of food, health system, taxes, visa, etc. Whenever the workers have a problem, such as an accident, insurance issues or even cash advancing, the broker company is the place where to call. Moreover, the development and organization of Brazilian companies in Japan, offering products and services exclusively for Brazilian consumers, bring many immediate comforts to the workers. in the long run, however, it maintains a dependance circle from which is not always possible to detach from, preventing them to integrate to broader Japanese as many people do not feel any need to venture beyond that enclosed world. When I think of my family, I realized that this is what has happened to us. Today most of my family is still living in Japan, working for factories in the cities of Hamamatsu and Toyota. For the individual experiencing this from outside, the solution would be for migrants to study the language and customs and then break the circle. However, once you are taking inside that circle, it becomes harder to have a detached view in order to find the solution. It is like looking at a picture: from afar we can see the whole frame: but from close, we only see disconnected dots. Personally, after fifteen years, I was able to make my way to where I am today. Thanks to photography I have left behind the cycle of factory work and I took one step to a broader world. In my case, the mass media world.

119 INTROSPECÇÃO VISUAL SOBRE IMIGRANTES BRASILEIROS 105 I began to photograph as a hobby in 1999 and after a while I was doing small jobs for Look, a community magazine. After three years of hearing stories from tens of interviewees, I decided to create a photo documentary about the world I lived in, which was the world of Brazilians living in Japan. The title of that documentary is Leaving (or Partida in Portuguese), an analogy of those who left their land, searching for a new life. They uprooted, but they never settling down. They are always departing, even if they go back, they depart from the new land. Doing that project made me realized of both my own reality as well as the reality of others Brazilian migrants. Thus, by taking distance from a professional point of view, I discovered that there were many connections among migrants stories. In order to produce that documentary, I spent most of my days off from the factory work photographing events, places, schools, friends and people going through their daily lives inside the community. I wanted to show what kind of things we do when we are not a number in the production line. I also sought to give faces to the individuals of what people collectively call Nikkei Burajirujin, dekasegi or any other category where we are placed. My hope is that these pictures can help one understand the nature and conditions of the others (the Nikkei Burajirujin) from a different perspective. 3. One subject, different viewers Venturing into that professional life, it also led me to experience different situations. Since I moved to Tokyo, I still cannot avoid being surprised to see the interest that many people show when they discover I am Brazilian. Although it is usually related to a few known areas - such as soccer, samba, culture, João Gilberto and Pelé, it is more than enough to give me the priceless feeling of being welcomed. This is a different experience than when you live in a small town where the only references about Nikkei Burajirujin are the newspapers, television or the noisy guy living next door. In other words, from a cosmopolitan metropole such as Tokyo to smaller and much more industrial areas like Oizumi, Toyota, Hamamatsu and even Nagoya, being a Nikkei Burajirujin does not usually feel the same. In general, and this is not exclusive of Japanese society, people tend to put migrants into already pre-made categories, which are usually resumed to statements that essentialize a whole group of people. Categorizations are part of the interaction between migrants and the places where they integrate. In my work, I have heard many stories about the different attitudes that Brazilians migrants encounter in daily life. Many people are led to believe that every foreigner is dangerous somehow. Therefore, most migrants back in small industrial towns have a story to say about situations that reflect this fear. For example, being mistreated when forbidden to enter certain places is a recurrent situation. When some of them have gone to places where are most used to foreigners, they did not feel a different treatment because of them being Nikkei Burajirujin. On the other side, my attention is often drawn to the reproduction of certain cultural attitudes of Brazilians in Japan. Listening to music aloud as in Brazil does not seem to be the expectation of Japanese society. Although I do not agree with that attitude, I came to understand its reasons. After working heavily the whole week at a factory in order to feed a family back in Brazil, the taste of food and the energy of music as it is lived at home really means a lot. In many cases that small opportunity is the only relief to the nostalgia (saudade) one has for a time that will never come back. A second function that these pictures have is to help bearing witness to the process we are all going through. For many years I wondered Why are we here? Most of us came to work only for a few years, save money and then go back home. It all seemed to be a very simple and clear plan to me. However, events went somehow a different way. When I wrestle with the question Why did we miss our point?, I cannot help thinking about the question of globalization. Are Nikkei Burajirujin also a product of globalization?

120 106 RICARDO YAMAMOTO

121 INTROSPECÇÃO VISUAL SOBRE IMIGRANTES BRASILEIROS 107

122 108 RICARDO YAMAMOTO 4. In the global landscape Globalization has changed all of us, but we do not realize of the way those changes have developed. Take, for example, orange juice. When we drink orange juice here or in the U.S. we are consuming a product from a large and powerful company. But let us remember that these big companies bought their land to produce oranges from small farmers in countries such as Brazil, who is responsible for 80% of the planet s orange juice. Brazil is also the world leader in soybean exports, although Brazilian people consume very little of it. Most known is the fact that Brazil has the world s largest cattle herd, with some 198 million heads, increasing its exportation specially after the mad cow disease period. The population, however, is of 180 million (Brazilian Government 2004). Up to the 70s, those farmers were producing for the local market. After the 70s, millions of these small farmers left their land and headed to nearby cities seeking a better life. In few years, those cities became very large and violent as a result of the growing gap between rich and poor. I remember my father saying that São Paulo was a nice city to live in the 70s. Today São Paulo is one of the most violent cities in the world. Violence is one of the main concerns that people who dream of returning to Brazil have today. Still, orange juice keep coming, soy beans keep coming, other products of globalization keep coming. However, the life of people has changed in between. People has displaced from one place to another. Nowadays, half of the world s population in urbanized and migration is becoming a common experience for a increasing number of individuals. Salgado (2000), one of the photographers who inspires my work has also expressed something about this. He says: The Salvadoran waiter in a Los Angeles restaurant, the Pakistani shopkeeper in the north of England, the Senegalese hard hat on a Paris construction site, all deserve our respect: each has traveled an extraordinary physical and personal journey to reach where he is, each is contributing to the reorganization of humankind, each is implicitly part of our history (9). This is what I understand as globalization. Brazilian immigrants are related to that globalization because after leaving the farms to live in the big cities, now we are leaving our country to live in a different land. It is no secret that Brazil has an internal economic and social system that does not benefit the population as it should. Besides, there is no doubt about the importance that exportation has for the Brazilian economy. Nevertheless, we are living in a global order that does not benefit the majority. The characteristic of our time is that we, along with the millions of migrants who have displaced all over the world, are constitutive part of the process known now as globalization. African immigrants in Europe, Latin Americans immigrants in the U.S. and Brazilian immigrants in Japan face similar experiences. Migration became a cheaper alternative to feed the machinery of globalization. In this global world, we are all interconnected, regions as well as people alike. Nikkei Burajirin in Japan are, for better or worst, part of the broader world, even when the factory circle does not allow them to see this all the time. 4. A place under the spotlight After almost 20 years of Brazilian migration to Japan, we are starting to realize that there is among us a second generation of Brazilian immigrants, who came to Japan very early in their life or who were born here. Some of them are in the last years of education available for them in the Brazilian schools, wondering how they can escape entering the factory cycle or eager to earn their own money, which implies on them entering the factory cycle. Maybe the legacy we are handing down for them is to become more integrated to Japanese society and

123 INTROSPECÇÃO VISUAL SOBRE IMIGRANTES BRASILEIROS 109 to make use of the incredible structure this country has to offer. When you are a kid people ask you What do you want to be when you grow up and at that point you can dream of being anything. But reality has shown me that many students at the Brazilian schools in Japan have no models to inspire on them the idea of what they want to become or what they could become if opportunities are laid out for them. One of the dreams that some teenagers often have is to become a top model because with a little investment and a pretty face, a number of them can really make it come true. There is an established demand in the Japanese fashion industry for half-japanese, those who look like Japanese but also display western features. For example, many modeling agencies in Tokyo have a preference for Nikkei Burajirujin models because they are young foreigners who are already living here, so the risk of them getting homesick, depressed and, ultimately, fat is minimal. Students know it and their parents know it, too. This expectation, associated with other entertainment and information-related activities, also means a business opportunity for many more who promote and support events within the limits of the Brazilian community. Promoters, musicians, DJs, photographers, performers, designers, waiters and others find part-time and even full-time jobs at these events and today we have our own professionals, a very well-organized media and, as in any other community, our own local celebrities and VIPs. Thus it is becoming a way for some second generation teenagers of fostering a different life in Japan. Nonetheless, the immense majority wonder -and wanderhow they can put themselves into another reality, a different reality. 5. Slightly out of focus Accordingly, I believe that the issue of migration today is closely connected with the lifestyle that most people have in developed countries, a lifestyle that has been enhanced by globalization. I am neither saying that we should feel guilty because of the way we live well in countries like Japan, nor I am proposing that we step out of globalization. On the contrary, I suggest that with more information and appropriated measures, maybe we can help people improving the idea of connection with others and the responsibility to each other. Who knows, maybe we can make a little more humane globalization. As Salgado states about the changes in our times: People has always migrated, but something different is happening now. For me, this worldwide population upheaval represents a change of historic significance. We are undergoing a revolution in the way we live, produce, communicate and travel. Most of the world s inhabitants are now urban. We have become one world (2000:8). The pictures I am presenting to you in this article were made in the hope of helping the ones who support such an ideal, the ones who have chosen remembering over forgetting. They are simultaneously part of our human story and witness of our circumstances. They, as myself, are sidelights amidst the world s oblivion. 1 1 Partida (Leaving) has been entirely published in the website Discover Nikkei. Internet, available at discovernikkei.org/nikkeialbum/en/node/7129.

124 110 RICARDO YAMAMOTO References Brazilian Government National Census Internet, accessed March 14, Available at: Salgado, Sebastião Migrations: Humanity in Transition. New York: Aperture.

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127 14 À medida que a população de estrangeiros aumenta no Japão, torna-se visível o desencontro cultural entre japoneses e estrangeiros. Consequentemente, aparecem problemas nas comunidades locais, como crianças estrangeiras em idade escolar sem acesso ao ensino. Dentre as questões envolvendo estrangeiros, o problema da educação de crianças estrangeiras deve ter prioridade. Por conta da minha experiência como voluntária na cidade de Oizumi (província de Gunma), onde ensino japonês às crianças estrangeiras, passei a me interessar pela questão da semi-língua. Esse termo designa os usuários de uma determinada língua que não são capazes de pensar de forma abstrata nem expressar assuntos complexos. Recentemente, pode ser notado um aumento no número de estudantes estrangeiros nas escolas de ensino fundamental (shoogakoo e chuugakkoo) do Japão e o problema da semilíngua está se tornando crônico. Neste trabalho apresento casos de crianças brasileiras e peruanas semilíngues. Os resultados apontam para a realidade monocultural da educação japonesa que a torna bastante limitada. Como conclusão, faço uma exposição sobre um futuro onde haja uma perspectiva de uma educação multicultural no Japão. As the foreign population increases in Japan, a cultural divide between Japanese and foreigners becomes visible. Consequently, problems surface in local communities, such as the problem of foreign children of school age who do not have access to an education. Among the issues involving foreigners, the problem of education of foreign children should take priority. Through my experience as a volunteer in the city of Oizumi (in Gunma Prefecture), where I teach Japanese to foreign children, I have gained an interest in the question of semi-lingualism. This term refers to the users of a given language who are not capable of thinking abstractly or expressing complex ideas. Recently, there has been a notable increase in the number of foreign students in elementary and middle schools (shoogakoo and chuugakkoo) in Japan, and the problem of semi-lingualism is becoming chronic. In this paper I present cases of semi-lingual Brazilian and Peruvian children. The results point to the monocultural reality of Japanese education, which makes it quite limited. In conclusion, I discuss the possibility of a future of multicultural education in Japan.

128 114 YUKI HAGIWARA

129 CRIANÇAS BRASILEIRAS E EDUCAÇÃO JAPONESA 115 A A A brasileira

130 116 YUKI HAGIWARA B B C C

131 CRIANÇAS BRASILEIRAS E EDUCAÇÃO JAPONESA 117 D D DVD E H E H H E H E H E H

132 118 YUKI HAGIWARA C D E H E

133 CRIANÇAS BRASILEIRAS E EDUCAÇÃO JAPONESA 119 H H E H H

134 15 L L Várias crianças brasileiras vivendo no Japão hoje freqüentam escolas japonesas sem ao menos entender o que está sendo ensinado na sala de aula. O problema não é somente com a aquisição da língua japonesa, mas também com o desenvolvimento da língua portuguesa. Pais que trabalham de 10 a 12 horas por dia, seis dias por semana, não têm tempo para conversar e brincar com os filhos e por isso não fornecem aos meninos a carga horária necessária para o desenvolvimento do português das crianças. Jovens que não dominam o japonês e não adquirem um nível de conhecimento suficiente do português, não terão muitas oportunidades de trabalho no futuro, seja no Japão ou no Brasil. Agora é extremamente importante haver estudos sobre essas crianças e jovens para que certos serviços de apoio educacional seja benéfico na vida de cada aluno brasileiro no Japão. Many immigrant children in Japan today attend local schools without having sufficient Japanese proficiency. Since they cannot fully understand classroom instruction, they might experience regression in their learning, which negatively affects their motivation to study. The number of Brazilian immigrant children is the greatest according to the Japanese Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (2006, April 26). Other than having difficulties acquiring Japanese; many Brazilian children also lose their mother tongue Portuguese. This study will focus on testing Brazilian immigrant children s Portuguese and Japanese language proficiencies and on investigating parents attitudes toward children s L2 acquisition and L1 development processes.

135 APRENDIZAGEM DA LINGUAGEM DOS ALUNOS BRASILEIROS 121 BMW

136 122 VIVIAN BUSSINGUER S. DE ANDRADE first language L second language L 1 L L L L L 1 HP (

137 APRENDIZAGEM DA LINGUAGEM DOS ALUNOS BRASILEIROS 123 L L L L L L L L L L L L

138 124 VIVIAN BUSSINGUER S. DE ANDRADE L L L L L L L L L L L MHB MHB MHB MHB ATJ Seminar 2001, Heritage Panel Papers.

139 APRENDIZAGEM DA LINGUAGEM DOS ALUNOS BRASILEIROS 125 nar/2001/nakajima.html PRESS/ pdf

140 16 Neste relatório, gostaria de apresentar algumas propostas no sentido de apoiar os jovens brasileiros no Japão que têm enfrentado e continuarão a enfrentar, sem muita alternativa, os três tipos de cross-border, ou seja, entre o Brasil e o Japão (entre países), entre a escola japonesa e a brasileira (interescolar), e entre a comunidade brasileira e a japonesa (entre comunidades). Baseado no estudo sobre as carreiras e sonhos dos estudantes de escolas brasileiras no Japão, gostaria de analisar como o poder civil das organizações sem fins lucrativos e o doubleschool poderão influir no cross-border entre comunidades e por fim, apresentar a transferência mútua de créditos entre as escolas brasileira e japonesa como uma proposta para formular um sistema educacional visando os estudantes brasileiros no Japão. In this paper, I would like to present some suggestions with the aim of supporting Brazilian youth in Japan, who have faced and will continue to face, with few alternatives, the three types of cross-border situations: between Brazil and Japan (between countries), between Japanese schools and Brazilian schools (inter-school), and between the Brazilian and Japanese communities (between communities). Based on a study of the dreams and career goals of students in Brazilian schools in Japan, I would like to analyze the way in which the civic power of non-profit organizations and the double-school can influence the cross-border situation between communities, and finally, to present the mutual transfer of credits between Brazilian and Japanese schools as a recommendation for creating an educational system that considers the Brazilian students in Japan.

141 EDUCAÇÃO DOS BRASILEIROS DA SEGUNDA GERAÇÃO 127 A B C D a b c d e A D

142 128 SUMIKO HAINO NPO

143 EDUCAÇÃO DOS BRASILEIROS DA SEGUNDA GERAÇÃO 129 NPO V N N

144 130 SUMIKO HAINO V V N R V N R

145 EDUCAÇÃO DOS BRASILEIROS DA SEGUNDA GERAÇÃO 131 V

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147 Apendice Filmes apresentados no workshop

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149 FILMES APRESENTADOS NO WORKSHOP 135 Permanência Milhares de brasileiros anualmente deixam o país em busca de oportunidades de trabalho. O Japão é um dos destinos escolhidos. Com os trabalhadores outras milhares de crianças e jovens os acompanham e crescem nesse novo mundo cheio de oportunidades e contradições. Permanência é um documentário que procura mostrar a vida dos filhos de emigrantes brasileiros no Japão. O documentário mostra o cotidiano dessas crianças nas escolas japonesas e as providências tomadas pelo governo japonês para auxiliar esses estrangeiros a se adaptarem ao ambiente social japonês. Procura mostrar também as dificuldades dos pais em compreenderem o universo educacional dos filhos e o surgimento de uma distância familiar com implicações no âmbito privado e público de suas vidas. A partir de um certo momento o documentário se concentra em três jovens que alcançaram as universidades japonesas. Eles contam suas experiências e colocam novas questões mesmo para aqueles que estão relativamente melhores integrados a sociedade japonesa. Além das histórias pessoais os relatos que estes jovens nos trazem mostram os desafios de viverem entre 2 mundos e nos permite sobretudo conhecer um pouco do outro e um pouco de nós. Every year, thousands of Brazilians leave their country in search of better job opportunities. Japan is one of the chosen destinations. Along with their working parents, thousands of children and teenagers grow up in this new world filled with opportunities and contradictions. Permanence is a documentary that brings viewers inside the lives of the children of Brazilian immigrants in Japan. The documentary shows the daily lives of these children in Japanese schools and the measures taken by the Japanese government to help them adapt to the Japanese social milieu. It also presents the obstacles faced by the parents when trying to understand their children s educational milieu, and also when dealing with distance between family members, with implications in their private as well as in their public life. One section of the documentary focuses on three Japanese college students. They narrate their experiences and discuss the problems confronted even by those who are relatively better integrated in the Japanese society. Besides the personal stories or narrations, this documentary shows the obstacles and challenges of living in between two worlds, and allows us above all to get to know a little more about others and a little more about ourselves.

150 136 FILMES APRESENTADOS NO WORKSHOP Dekassegui Brasileiro? Japonês? Perdidos num mundo de sons estranhos, brasileiros descendentes de japoneses vivem perto de suas raízes, mas longe de suas casas. Brazilian? Japanese? Lost in a world full of strange sounds, Brazilians of Japanese ascestry live close to their roots but far from their homes.

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