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1 (1996) ibid.)

2 74 (1999) ibid.) :128 2 ( 1989:136) /i/, /u/ ibid.) /i/, /u/ 1990: (1997:59-61) : [i], [W] /u/ [W]

3 (1999) 75 /a/ /o/ ibid. ibid. Vance 1987) ibid.) 1977: ibid.:137) ibid. 1.2-(1) 1.2-(2) (ibid.: ) /ki, pi, ku, pu, sju, cju/ [i ][W ] /si, ci, hi, su, cu, hu/ (ibid.:138)

4 76 (1999) ibid.: ) ibid.: :87-88 /h/ ibid.:85 ibid.:147 ibid.: ibid. 2 1 ibid.:73 1 ibid.: (1996)

5 (1999) (1) F0 F0 1.3-(2) F0 1.3-(3) F0 1.3-(4) F0 (ibid.) (ibid.:4)

6 78 (1999) F0 2 F0 x3. 2 (1996) (ibid.) 2 2-(1) 4 2-(2) 5 4 5

7 (1999) 79 2-(1) 2-(2) F0 3 (ibid.) (ibid.:3) A 1977 B (1996) 2 (ibid.) 6 * 6 (ibid.) 6 [i] [W] 1989: Vance 1987

8 80 (1999) y 2 1 /a/ 1 1: /hihu/ /cuci/ /huki/ /kiki/ /cuki/ /kuci/ /kisu/ /huku/ /kiku/ /kuku/ /kisi/ /sicu/ /sisi/ /kucu/ /suki/ /sisyu/ /kuki/ /syuki/ /kusi/ /syusi/ /sici/ (/cici/) A: B: (/cucu/) A: B: (/susu/) A: B: 2 2 2: 2 * /kasi/ y/asi/ * /haci/ * /sosi/ y/asu/ /maci/ /nacu/ /saku/ /waki/ 2

9 (1999) 81 *(/kesi/) A: B: 3 3: * /hosa/ * /taka/ 3.3 x cs cs1. cs2. (ibid.) cs1. cs2. B613 1 cs1. cs2. SONY DAT TCD-D7 AKG D112 48kHz

10 82 (1999) 3.4 DAT 7 OS Windows95 A/D Cool Edit 96 48kHz WAV KAY Multi-Speech 8 Multi- Speech x (ibid.) (ibid.) cs1. 1B 1G cs2. 2A 2G 1 1B: [ba] 1C: [wa] 1D: 1 1E: 2 1F: [to] 10 7 (ibid.) MZ-R3 Sony 8 (ibid.) Macintosh [to]

11 (1999) 83 1:

12 84 (1999) 1G: [jo] [to] F1 F2 1H: [mi] 1G (ibid.) (ibid.) Kitahara 1998:306 the highest point in the F2 transition F2 [to] [jo] 1F 1H F0 1G 1G 2G 2A: [ta] 2B: [go] 11 2C 2H: 1C 1H B-1C 2B-2C 1F-1H 2F-2H voice bar 11 (ibid.)

13 (1999) 85 voice bar voice bar x (1996:6) 3 (ibid.) 3 4: A : B (ibid.) x1.2.3.

14 86 (1999) 6 6: % A % B % % B A : A % 1 B % % A % 2 B % % % A cs2. B cs1. 8 6

15 (1999) : % A % B % % A % B % % A % B % % [i] [W] : A % 1 B % % A % 2 B % % %

16 88 (1999) 10: A % 1 B % % A % 2 B % % % 11: A % 1 B % % A % 2 B % % 1 2 A B / /t/ %

17 (1999) 89 12: :A 5/ % 5/ % 6/ % - - 2/ % 0/ 6 0.0% 0/ 6 0.0% 7/ % / % - - 2/ % 6/ % 6/ % / % 2/ % 12/ % - - 6/ % 6/ % 1/25 4.0% - - 1/ % 13: :B 8/ % 6/ % 6/ % - - 4/ % 6/ % 2/ % 13/ % 1/ % - - 6/ % / % / % 4/ % 12/ % - - 6/ % 5/ % 6/ % 2/ % 1/ % F0 (ibid.) F F0 (ibid.:7) 4

18 90 (1999) 2: :B, cs1 14: 1F F0 B cs1 (Hz) ( ) 168 (14.42) 111 (8.86) p : :A, cs2 15: 2F F0 :A, cs2 (Hz) ( ) 123 (15.01) 111 (7.68) p : 2F F0 :B, cs2 (Hz) ( ) 160 (18.91) 116 (5.86) p 0.01

19 (1999) 91 4: :B, cs2 (ibid.:7) F0 2 A cs F0 A B F0 A F0 3 [to] F0 3 B F0 2 B B cs1. (ibid.:9) IY cs2. A B

20 92 (1999) 5: F0 ( :A, cs1) 6: F0 ( :A, cs2) 7: F0 ( :B, cs1) 8: F0 ( :B, cs2)

21 (1999) x4.1. F0 A B x4. (1996) (ibid.) x4.1. (ibid.) x x (ibid.) 3

22 94 (1999) 2 (1997: ) (ibid.) EPG 5.1-(1) 5.1-(2) (ibid.) 3 A F0 3 B (ibid.) IY 3 3 x1.3. (ibid.) 4

23 (1999) [tojo] [to] F0 [tojo] [jo] F0 A F0 3 B cs

24 96 (1999) 9: 1F-1H ( :A, cs1) 11: 1F-1H ( :B, cs1) 10: 2F-2H ( :A, cs2) 12: 2F-2H ( :B, cs2)

25 (1999) 97 3 (1996 ibid.) (ibid.) x3.5.3 (ibid.) (ibid.) A /kiki/ /kiki/ voice bar 15 (ibid.) (1986:114) 14

26 98 (1999) 13: 14: 15:

27 (1999) 99 6 x2. (1996) F0 2 (1989:142)

28 100 (1999) Kitahara, Mafuyu The Interaction of Pitch Accent and Vowel Devoicing in Tokyo Japanese. In David J. Silva ed. Japanese/Korean Linguistics Volume Stanford: CSLI Publications Vance, T.J An Introduction to Japanese Phonology. New York: SUNY Press.

29 (1999) 101 Vowel Devoicing in Japanese: An acoustical investigation of consecutive vowel devoicing of disyllabic words in Tokyo Japanese Kunihiro MIMATSU, Takahiro FUKUMORI, Kosuke SUGAI, Akira UTSUGI, Takeshi SHIMADA In this paper, we report the results of an acoustical investigation of the phenomenon of vowel devoicing in Tokyo Japanese. We conducted almost exactly the same acoustic experiment as Kitahara (1996), following his methodological procedures. The purpose of this retrial is to explore (1) the occurrence rate of devoicing of close vowels and (2) the acoustic cue(s) for the accent of words with consecutive devoicing. We also discuss Kitahara s experimental problems concerning the selection of subjects and the judgement of devoicing. (Kitahara s 4 subjects had 4 different dialectal backgrounds.) The results show that: (1) The occurrence rate of devoicing of individual subjects differs to a relatively high degree, (2) Various linguistic factors such as accent type and adjacent consonant type influence the occurrence rate, (3) The rate of consecutive vowel devoicing is relatively high. It turns out that three types of accent, i.e. the accent nucleus on the first syllable; the accent nucleus on the second syllable; and no accent nucleus influence the occurrence rate of devoicing. Therefore it is not valid to treat disyllabic words with different accent types alike. In addition, the F0 patterns may be the cue for accent perception, but not a strong cue as Kitahara suggests. This is because the F0 patterns immediately after the devoiced region differ from individual to individual and cannot always distinguish the three accent types sharply.

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