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2014 9 2 1. 1980 1990 A. VP (Kuno 1978, Hinds 1973) B. N (Saito and Murasugi 1990) C. VP (Otani and Whitman 1991) D. (Takahashi 1994) A. (Oku 1998, Kim 1999) B. (Saito 2004, 2006, Takahashi 2008 ) C. (Saito 2007, Sener and Takahashi 2010, Takahashi 2014) A. pro (Hoji 1998, Saito 2007) B. (Takita 2009) C. VP (Funakoshi 2012, 2013) D. N (Watanabe 2010) 2. (1) a. I left because John did [ VP leave] b. * (2) a. He said he would jump into the river, and jump into the river he did b. * ( ) Hinds (1973) VP... Hale (1980)

2 Kuno (1978) VP... do-support, (Saito 1985... VP ) 2.1. N (Saito and Murasugi 1990) (3) a. Can you read Russian? Yes, I can [ VP read Russian] VP b. I wrote a book because John did [ VP write a book] TP DP T T VP (4) a. I read Bill s book, but I haven t read [ NP Mary s [ N book]] N b. Rome s destruction was worse than [ NP London s [ N destruction]] DP DP D D NP (5) a. * John has a dog, but Mary doesn t have [ DP a [ NP dog]] b. * I want to read the book because I hear good thing about [ DP the [ NP book]] (6) a. * I like Mary s green bag, but I don t like [ DP Bill s [ NP blue [ NP bag]]] (cf. I like Mary s green bag, but I don t like [ DP Bill s [ NP green [ NP bag]]]) (7) a. John bought something, but I don t know [ S what 4 [ S he bought t 4 ]] b. John knows [ S which girl 6 [ S Mary likes t 6 ]], but he doesn t know [ S which boy [ S she likes t 8 ]] CP DP C C IP (8) a. * John said he saw a unicorn, but I don t know [ CP whether [ TP he saw a unicorn]] (cf. John said he saw a unicorn, but I don t know [ CP whether [ TP he did [ VP see a unicorn]]]) b. * John denied that he cheated, but I believe [ CP that [ TP he cheated]] FP XP F F YP F F ( ) ( Lobeck 1990, Richards 2003 )

3 N (9) a. [ ] b. John s book is more interesting than [Mary s ] (10) a. b. * Please give me three red(s). c. Please give me three red ones. (11) a. [ NP [ AP ] [ N ]] b. [ NP [ N ]] ( 1974) (12) (?) (1983) (13) a. * b. Please give me one. (14) a. b. # (15) a. b. * N (16) a. * b. * c. * (17) a. b. c. d. N (18) a. b. c. * d. * e. *

4 (19) a. the barbarians destruction of the city then b. the city s destruction then c. * then s destruction of the city (20) a. It seemed then that John was the best candidate. b. John seemed then to be the best candidate. c. * Then seemed that John was the best candidate. (21) DP DP D NP D (22) DP D NP D DP N XP N DP N (i) (ii) (cf. Fukui 1988, Watanabe 2010) (23) a. [ [ [ ]]] b. [ [ [ ]]] (24) [ b N/D DP/PP N/D a ] [ b N/D DP/PP no N/D a ] (Kitagawa and Ross 1982) (25) NP DP-no N PP-no N PP-no N 2.2. VP (Otani and Whitman 1991, Takahashi 1994) V VP (26) John loves his mother, and Bill does, too. --- a. Bill loves John s mother. ( ) b. Bill loves his own mother. ( )

5 (27) John loves his mother, and Bill loves her, too. --- a. Bill loves John s mother. ( ) (28) a. ( ) b. ( ) (cf. Kuroda (1965) pro ) (29) a. ( ) (30) ( ) (31) IP I VP I DP V DP V (32) (cf. McCloskey 1991) wh (33) [ ] [ ] a. [ ] ( ) b. [ ] ( ) (34) CP C IP C.. t (35) [ ] [ ] a. [ ] ( ) (36) [ ] [ ] (37) [ ] [ ( ) ]

6 (36) (38) a. b. (39) ( ) 3. 3.1. Oku (1998), Kim (1999) Saito (2004)... Oku (1998) (40) A. B. [e] (41) a. Mary examined the manuscript in detail, and Bill did, too. b. Mary examined the manuscript in detail. But Bill didn t. (42) a. b.... Kim (1999) (43) a. Mike-nun James-lul tali-lul ketechassta?? b. * Mike-nun tali-lul James-lul ketechassta * (44) A. Jerry-nun caki-uy ai-lul phal-ul ttayliessta B. Kulena Sally-nun [e] tali-lul ttayliessta IP I VP I DP V DP V DP V

7... Saito (2004) (45) a. It is from Mary that John received a letter. b. ( Hoji 1990, Murasugi 1991) (46) a. It is this book that John wrote. b. It is this book 5 [ CP Op 5 that [ IP John wrote t 5 ]] (47) a. [ ] ( ) b. [ [ ] ] ( ) (48) [ [ ] ] (* ) (Hoji 1990) (49) a. [ ] b. [ ] (50) a. [ ] b. [ ] (51) a. (Kuno 1973) b. (52) a. [ ] (* ) b. [ ] ( ) (53) a. [ NP ] 1 NP 2 NP 1 = NP 2 b. [ NP ] 1 PP 2 *NP 1 = PP 2 c. [ CP Op 1 [ IP t 1 ] ] 1 PP 2 Op 1 = PP 2 (Murasugi 1991) (54) [ ] [ ] Nishiyama, Whitman and Yi (1996) (55) a. [[ ] ( ) ] pro b. [[ ] ( ) ] pro (56) [ ] [ ] ( )... (57) [[ CP ] ( ) ]

8 3.2. (Hoji 1998, 2004) Takahashi 2008 Hoji 1998 pro (58) a. b. ( ) ( (59b) ) (59) a. Every Japanese couple recommended different students. b. Every American couple did, too. c. Every American couple also recommended them. (60) a. b. [e] (61) ( ) ( pro) (62) pro Saito 2003 2004 (63) a. b. [e] ( ) c. ( ) (64) a. John (*even) threw the dishes, and Mary the glasses. (gapping) b. John (*never) ate pizza, and Mary sushi. (58) (65) a. b. [ x,y: x, y students and x y] Taroo recommended x & Hanako recommended y (Carlson 1987 ) (66) a. ( ) [e] b. [e] c. [e] ( 2004) (67) a. John bought something, but Mary didn t. b. John didn t buy anything, but Mary did. Takahashi 2008 (68) A. B. ( OK)

9 (69) A. B. ( most ) Takahashi (2008) (68) (pro = ) (70) A. B. ( OK) (71) A. B. (pro =?) wh (72) A. B. *( ) 3.3. LF φ (2006) LF (73) a. [ CP ] [ CP e ] b. [ CP ] [ CP e ] (74) a. * 2 [ CP t 2 ] 6 [ CP e ] b. * 3 [ CP t 3 ] 3 [ CP e ] (75) 3 [ CP t 3 ] [ CP e ] (76) John knows [ CP which boy 7 [ TP they chose t 7 ]], and Bill knows [ CP which girl 11 [ TP they chose t 11 ]] (77) 3 [ CP t 3 ] ( (74b) PF ) 3 [ CP t 3 ] (78) a. [ CP ] b. * [ CP ] (Harada 1972) Wh CP (79) a. Who 4 t 4 wonders [ CP what 1 [ IP John gave t 1 to whom]] b. Who 4 t 4 wonders [ CP [which picture of whom 5 ] 8 [ IP John bought t 8 ]]

10 c.?? [Which picture of whom 5 ] 8 does John wonder [ CP who 4 [ IP t 4 bought t 8 ]] (80) a. [ CP ] b. 9 [ CP t 9 ] (Saito 1989) (81) a. [ CP [ CP ] ] b.?[ CP ] 6 [ CP t 6 ] (82) 9 [ CP t 9 ] ((8b) ) (83) a. * 3 [ CP t 3 ] 3 [ CP e ] b. [ CP ] ( ) *LF (73) LF LF (74) (Oku 1998) LF (84) (85) a. What did Mary buy b. {[For which x: x a thing], x} did Mary buy {[For which x: x a thing], x} c. {[For which x: x a thing], x} did Mary buy {[For which x: x a thing], x} (86) A. (= (72)) B. *( ) LF (87) a. [For which x: x a person] x went to Taiwan b. *[For which x: x a person] went to Holland c. *x went to Holland (88) a. (= (65a)) b. [ x,y: x, y students and x y] Taroo recommended x & Hanako recommended y c. x [ x ]

11 QR (89) A. (= (70)) B. ( OK) (90) a. More than three students went to Taiwan b. More than three students went to Holland (91) a. [ more than three x: x a student] x went to Taiwan b. *[ more than three x: x a student] went to Holland c. *x went to Holland (92) A. (= (71)) B. (pro =?) (93) a. More than three companies i its i main stock holder recommended t i (Dialect A) b. More than three companies i its i president also recommended t i (94) a. [ more than three x: x a company] x s main stock holder recommended x (Dialect B) b. those three companies i [its i president also recommended t i ] c. [ x: x those three companies] x s president also recommended x φ Chomsky (2000) on feature valuation (95) a. There are three tables in the room b. T.. DP T.. DP [φ: _ ] [Case: _ ] [φ: 3P] [Case: NOM] (96) a. * T... DP [φ: _ ]] [Case: NOM] b. T.. DP [Case: NOM] Saito (2007) φ DP (97) a. vp b. vp v VP v VP [φ: 3S] [φ: _ ] V DP V [Case: ACC] ( )

12 Suner and Takahashi (2010) (98) A. Can [pro anne-si]-ni eleştir-di John mother-3sg-acc criticize-past John criticized his mother B. Mete-yse öv-dü ( ) Mete-however praise-past Mete, however, praised her/his mother (99) A. Can [[pro öneri-si]-nin kabul ed-il-eceğ-i]-ni düşün-üyor John proposal-3sg-gen accept do-passive-nm-3sg-acc think-pres. John thinks that his proposal will be accepted B. Aylin-se [ redded-il-eceğ-i]-ni düşün-üyor ( ) Eileen-however reject-passive-nm-3sg-acc think-pres. Eileen, however, thinks that it will be rejected (100) A. Pelin [[pro yeğen-i]-ni lise-ye başla-yacak] san-ıyor Pelin niece-3sg-acc high.school-dat start-future think-pres. Pelin thinks her niece will start high school B. Suzan-sa [ ilkokul-a başla-yacak] san-ıyor ( ) Susan-however grade.school-dat start-future think-pres. Susan, however, thinks she/her niece will start grade school 4. ( ) 4.1. pro PP/CP (101) pro (= (62)) (102) A. B. [e] (cf. Xu (1986), Huang (1987)) (103) A. [e] B. [e] Murasugi (1991)... pro PP (104) [[[ pro i ] ] ] i (Kuno 1973, Perlmutter 1972)

13 (105) a. [ [[ ( ) i ] ] ] i b. [ [[ ( ) i ] ] ] i c. [ [[ *( ) i ] ] ] i (106) A. [ ] B. [e] (cf. ) (107) A. [ ] B. [ ] (cf. [ ] ) Saito (2007)... pro LF (Heim 1982 file-card semantics) pro pro φ φ PP / CP (108) *John says [that she is a genius], but Bill does not think [e] LF (DP ) + LF 4.2. VP N Takita (2009) (109) [ ] [ ( ) ] (110) a. [ CP [ TP ] ] (Takahashi 1994) b. [ CP [ TP [ CP ] ( ) ] ] (Saito 2004) (111) [ ] [ (* ) ] a. *[ ] b. *[ ] (112) [ CP [ TP PRO ] ] (113) a. ( ) b. [ CP [ TP [ CP ] ( ) ] ] (Takahashi 1994, Nishiyama, Whitman and Yi 1996)

14 (114) a. * [ ] [ ] b. *John plans to go somewhere, but he hasn t decided whether to Tokyo wh Takahashi (1994) Funakoshi (2012, 2013) (115) a. (= (58) Hoji 1998) b. ( ) (116) a. ( ) [e] b. [e] c. [e] (= (66) 2004) (117) A. (only > can) B. * [e] (118) [ FocP [ vp t PP t V ] ] LF (119) a. [ ] (or > not) b. [ ] (and > not) (Goro 2007) (120) a. [ ] [e] (not > or) b. [ ] [e] (and > not, not > and) pro = (120a) or > not (117) (cf. Shibata 2013) (121) a. (Aoyagi and Ishii 1994) b. (Reinhart 1991 except Rooth 1992 ) (122) a.?? (Kuroda 1988) b. [ ] ( ) (123) a.?? ( 2006) b. [ ] ( )

15 (124) a.?? b. [ ] (125) a.?? b. [ ] (126) a.?? b. [ ] (127) a. b. [ ] ( ) XP-α YP-α YP XP Watanabe 2010 (128) * [ ] [ ] (= (18e)) (129) [ ] [ ] (130) a. NP b. QP CLP NP #P Q NumP CL CaseP Q NP Case #P Case # NP # (131) John weighs 150 lb. (132) a. 2 3 b. 5 7 (133) a. 5 7 b. # 5 7 (134) 5 3 (1974) (cf. Watanabe 2010 )

16 (135) a. / b. / (Watanabe 2010) (136) a. b.?? (137) a. b. (138) *( )... (139) a. b. * 4.3. (140) a. b. c. phase (DP, CP, vp,... ) d. Transfer (NP, TP, VP,... ) EPP Saito and Murasugi (1990), Lobeck (1990) FP XP F F YP F F ( ) Richards (2003) Transfer Labeling (141) a. γ = {H, βp} b. γ = {αp, βp} c. γ = {H, H}

17 (142) YP DP TP... (CP )... f T XP DP vp... v VP V DP Chomsky 2014 EPP TP ( )? ( ) φ ( ) T vp T vp DP (strong) (weak) T vp weak labeling (143) a. φ (C, D) b. ( ) (144) a. John thinks that Mary was in London b. C C φ φ DP DP {C, T} vp T vp (145) a. John bought something, but I don t know what b. Q what C e φ DP T vp (145) a. * John said he bought something, but I don t know whether b. C e φ DP T vp

18 (146) a. the destruction of the city b. D D NP NP {D, N} PP N PP (147) a. I witnessed the barbarians destruction of a city, and also the Romans b. GEN the Rs D e NP N PP (148) a. * I bought the book about biotechnology, but I haven t read the b. D e NP N PP 5. 1990 N VP... (Kuroda 1988) (Takita 2009) (Takahashi 2008, Funakoshi 2013, Aoyagi and Ishii 1994) (Watanabe 2010) Labeling ( ) (2006). Aoyagi, H. and T. Ishii (1994) On NPI Licensing in Japanese, Japanese/Korean Linguistics 4: 295-311. Carlson, G. (1987) Same and Different: Some Consequences for Syntax and Semantics, Linguistics and Philosophy 10: 531-565.

19 Chomsky, N. (2000) Minimalist Inquiries: The Framework. In R. Martin, D. Michaels and J. Uriagereka (eds.), Step by Step: Essays on Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 89-155. Chomsky, N. (2013) Problems of Projection. Lingua 130: 33-49. Chomsky, N. (2014) Problems of Projection: Extensions, unpublished, MIT. Fukui, N. (1988) Deriving the Differences between English and Japanese: A Case Study in Parametric Syntax, English Linguistics 5: 249-270. Funakoshi, K. (2012) On Headless XP-Movement/Ellipsis, Linguistic Inquiry 43: 519-562. Funakoshi, K. (2013) Disjunction and Object Drop in Japanese, Tampa Papers in Linguistics 4: 11-20. Goro, T. (2007) Language-Specific Constraints on Scope Interpretation in First Language Acquisition, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Maryland. Hale, K. (1980) Remarks on Japanese Phrase Structure: Comments on the Papers on Japanese Syntax, MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 2: 185-203. Harada, K. (1972) Constraints on WH-Q Binding, Studies in Descriptive and Applied Linguistics 5, 180-206. Heim, I. (1982) The Semantics of Definite and Indefinite Noun Phrases, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Hinds, J. (1973) On the Status of the VP Node in Japanese, Language Research 9.2: 44-57. Hoji, H. (1990) Theories of Anaphora and Aspects of Japanese Syntax, unpublished, University of Southern California. Hoji, H. (1998) Null Objects and Sloppy Identity in Japanese, Linguistic Inquiry 29: 127-152. (1983) 77-126. Kim, S.-W. (1999) Sloppy/Strict Identity, Empty Objects, and NP Ellipsis, Journal of East Asian Linguistics 8: 255-284. Kitagawa, C. and C. Ross (1982) Prenominal modification in Chinese and Japanese, Linguistic Analysis 9: 19-53. Kuno, S. (1973) The Structure of the Japanese Language, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Kuno, S. (1978) Japanese: A Characteristic OV Language, in W. P. Lehmann (ed.), Syntactic Typology, Austin: University of Texas Press, 57-138. Kuroda, S.-Y. (1965) Generative Grammatical Studies in the Japanese Language, Ph.D. dissertation, MIT. Kuroda, S.-Y. (1988) Whether We Agree or Not: A Comparative Syntax of English and Japanese, Linguisticae Investigationes 12: 1-47. Lobeck, A. (1990) Functional Heads as Proper Governors, NELS 20: 348-362. Murasugi, K. (1991) Noun Phrases in Japanese and English: A Study in Syntax, Learnability and Acquisition, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Connecticut. Nishiyama, K, J. Whitman, and E.-Y. Yi (1996) Syntactic Movement of Overt Wh-Phrases in Japanese and Korean, Japanese/Korean Linguistics 5: 337-351. Oku, S. (1998) A Theory of Selection and Reconstruction in the Minimalist Perspective, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Connecticut.

20 (1974). Otani, K. and J. Whitman (1991) V-raising and VP-ellipsis, Linguistic Inquiry 22: 345-358. Perlmutter, D. (1972) Evidence for Shadow Pronouns in French Relativization, in P. M. Peranteau, et al. (eds.), The Chicago Witch Hunt, Chicago Linguistic Society, University of Chicago, 73-105. Reinhart, T. (1991) Elliptic Conjunctions - Non-Quantificational LF, in A. Kasher (ed.), The Chomskyan Turn, Oxford: Blackwell, 360-384. Richards, N. (2003) Why There is an EPP, Gengo Kenkyu 123: 221-256. Rooth, M. (1992) A Theory of Focus Interpretation, Natural Language Semantics 1: 75-116. Saito, M. (1985) Some Asymmetries in Japanese and their Theoretical Implications, Ph.D. dissertation, MIT. Saito, M. (1989) Scrambling as Semantically Vacuous A -movement, in M. Baltin and A. Kroch, eds., Alternative Conceptions of Phrase Structure, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 182-200. Saito, M. (2003) Notes on Discourse-based Null Arguments, presented at Japanese/Korean Linguistics Conference 13. Saito, M. (2004) Ellipsis and Pronominal Reference in Japanese Clefts, Nanzan Linguistics 1: 21-50. Saito, M. (2007) Notes on East Asian Argument Ellipsis, Language Research 43: 203-227. Saito, M. and K. Murasugi (1990) N -deletion in Japanese: A Preliminary Study, Japanese/Korean Linguistics 1: 285-301. Sener, S. and D. Takahashi (2010) Argument Ellipsis in Japanese and Turkish, MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 61: 325-339. Shibata, Y. (2013) Negative Structure and Object Movement in Japanese, unpublished, University of Connecticut. (2004). (2006). Takahashi, D. (1994) Sluicing in Japanese, Journal of East Asian Linguistics 3: 265-300. Takahashi, D. (2008) Quantificational Null Objects and Argument Ellipsis, Linguistic Inquiry 39: 307-326. Takahashi, D. (2014) Argument Ellipsis, Anti-agreement, and Scrambling, in M. Saito (ed.), Japanese Syntax in Comparative Perspective, New York: Oxford University Press, 88-116. Takita, K. (2009) Genuine Sluicing in Japanese, presented at CLS 45. Watanabe, A. (2010) Notes on Nominal Ellipsis and the Nature of no and Classifiers in Japanese, Journal of East Asian Linguistics 19: 61-74. Xu, L. (1986) Free Empty Category, Linguistic Inquiry 17: 75-93.