18 11/19/2000 ON VERBAL INFLECTION IN JAPANESE Hiroshi Aoyagi Nanzan University 1. Introduction: Where s inflectional morphol
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1 18 11/19/2000 ON VERBAL INFLECTION IN JAPANESE Hiroshi Aoyagi Nanzan University 1. Introduction: Where s inflectional morphology in Japanese? ru, -ta (1)a-c (2)a-c (1) a. (John-wa ringo-o) tabe-ta b. (John-wa ringo-o) tabe-hazime-ta c. (John-wa Mary-ni ringo-o) tabe-sase-ta (2) a. TAbe-ta b. tabe-hazime-ta c. tabe-sase-ta 1.2 Spell-Out (2)a TAbeta Spell-Out (3)a (3)b (3) a. Verb-raising b. No verb-raising T T VP T VP T (ringo-o) t V V T (ringo-o) V ta tabe ta tabe 1.3 (i) PF (morphological merger) (ii) 2. Against V-raising 2.1 Q-particle su (4)b mo, sae, wa (Q(uantificational)-particles) (4)c su Kuroda
2 su (stranded tense) (4) a. John-wa ringo-o tabe-ta (=(1a)) b. *John-wa ringo-o tabe-mo/sae/wa -ta c. John-wa ringo-o tabe-mo/sae/wa si-ta (4)c su (5)a Q-particle X XP XP (Head Movement Constraint, (6), (7) ) (5)b su (5) a. T b. T XP T XP T VP X ta VP X si+ta DP V mo DP V mo ringo-o tabe * ringo-o tabe Su-Support (6) The Head Movement Constraint (HMC) (cf. Travis 1984, Baker 1988) A head α can only move to another head β if and only if β properly governs the maximal projection that α heads. (7) Proper government (very rough definition) α is properly governed by β iff α is the complement of β. 2.2 Q-particle su Q-particle Chomsky 1994 X-bar Q-particle su X-bar Bare Phrase Structure Theory Q-particle X Q-particle (8)a Q-particle (8)b X (8) a. Q b. X X Q X Q
3 3 2.1 su (8)a Q-particle Q-particle Q-particle (9)a (9)b-d Q-particle (9) (8)a (9) a. John-ga [ DP susi]-dake/mo/sae tabe-ta (DP) b. daihyoosya-ga [ PP New York-kara]-dake/mo/sae ki-ta (PP) c. Mary-ga [ VP hon-o yomi]-dake/mo/sae si-ta (VP) d. Bill-ga [ AP buka-o isogasi-ku]-dake/mo/sae si-ta (AP) e. John-ga [ CP Mary-ga sin-da to]-dake/mo/sae iw-ta (CP) Sells 1995 Q-particle mi(ru) (10)a (10)b mi(ru) Q-particle mo (10)c Q-particle mi(ru) (11)a-c Miyagawa 1987 restructuring verb ik(u) Q-particle dake (11)c ik(u) restructuring verb (10) a. John 2 -wa [e 2 susi-o tabe]-te mi-ta b. John 2 -wa [e 2 susi-o tabe]-te-mo mi-ta c. *John-wa [e 2 susi-o tabe]-ni-mo mi-ta (11) a. Mary 2 -wa Tukizi-e [e 2 susi-o kuruma-de tabe]-ni ik-ta b. Mary 2 -wa Tukizi-e [e 2 susi-o kuruma-de tabe]-ni-dake ik-ta c. *Mary 2 -wa Tukizi-e [e 2 susi-o kuruma-de tabe]-te-dake ik-ta Q-particle (8)a Q-particle (12) mi(ru), ik(u) te ni YP Q-particle XP (12) mi(ru), ik(u) Q-particle YP
4 4 (12) V XP V YP X mi / ik ZP Y Q te / ni (8)a (10) (11) (12) XP X Lieber 1987 (feature percolation) YP Q-particle (adjunct clitics) Q-particles Q-particle (13) (adjunct clitics) (13) The Adjunct Clitic Hypothesis (Aoyagi 1998a, b, also cf. Sakai 1998a, b, Sano 1998) Q-particles are adjunct clitics (i.e., as adjuncts they are irrelevant to selection, and as clitics they do not project but they need a host to lean on at PF). Q-particle (adjunct) (clitic) PF (host) (13) (14)a Q-particle X max Bare Phrase Structure Theory Q-particle X 0 X max Q-particle (14)b PF X 0 (14) a. at Spell-Out b. in PF X max X max Q 0... X 0... X max Q 0/max... X 0 + (13) Q-particle mi(ru), ik(u) te, ni Aspectual Phrase (AspP) (15) Q-particle mo AspP
5 5 (15) V AspP V 0 AspP Q 0/max mi / ik... Asp mo VP Asp 0... tabe te / ni (13) su (16) souvent (16) a. Jean embrasse souvent Marie Jean often kisses Marie. b. Jean embrasse+t [ VP souvent [ VP t V Marie]] Q-particle (17)a (17)b (17)b mo ringo-o mo VP VP (17)a mo VP (17) a. John-wa [ VP [ VP ringo-o tabe] -mo] -ta T b. John-wa [ VP [ VP ringo-o t V ] -mo] tabe -ta T (V-raising across an adjunct) c. *John-wa [ VP [ VP ringo-o si] -mo] tabe -ta T (Su-support) (17)b mo PF su (17)c su
6 6 (18)b hazime(ru), (19)b ta(i), (19)c aspectual te Q-particle mo su (18) a. John-wa ringo-o tabe-hazime-ta b. John-wa ringo-o tabe-mo si-hazime-ta c. John-wa ringo-o tabe-hazime-mo si-ta (19) a. John-wa ringo-o tabe-ta-gar-te i-ta b. John-wa ringo-o tabe-mo si-ta-gar-te i-ta c. John-wa ringo-o tabe-ta-gari-mo si-te i-ta d. John-wa ringo-o tabe-ta-gar-te-mo i-ta (Su-support not applicable) e. John-wa ringo-o tabe-ta-gar-te i-mo si-ta (17)b Q-particle su (17)c Koizumi (1995) presents arguments for string vacuous V-raising from to-coordination and pseudo-clefting. However, the validity of his arguments has been questioned by Aoyagi (1998b) and Takano (1999). Furthermore, Takano proposes an alternative analysis of surprising constituents which Koizumi s arguments largely draw on. 3. An Alternative Analysis: Morphological Merger 3.1 PF (morphological merger) 1.1 Lasnik 1995 (20)b do Chomsky 1991 not NegP VP T (6) (21) pas Emonds 1978 BE/HAVE (20) a. *John likes not Mary. b. John does not like Mary. (Do-Support) (21) Jean (n )aime pas Marie. (22) a. John is not leaving. b. John has not left. not pas VP Lasnik (23) do (23)
7 7 Lasnik 1995 (23) a. INFL (affix) (set of formal features) b. INFL PF (adjacency condition) (23) Lasnik BE/HAVE (24)a INFL INFL not/pas VP (24)b (23)b PF (24)b (24)c do Lasnik (24) a.... INFL [+F] not/pas AUX/V [+F]... (V-raising OK) b.... INFL [+aff] V... (PF merger OK) c.... INFL [+aff] not V... (PF merger blocked --> Do-Support) 3.2 Su Lasnik su (25)a (27)a (27)b (25)b su (25)c (25) a. John-wa ringo-o tabe-ta (=(4a)) b. *John-wa ringo-o tabe-mo/sae/wa -ta (=(4b)) c. John-wa ringo-o tabe-mo/sae/wa si-ta (=(4c)) (26) (26) The Japanese tense morphemes -ru and -ta are suffixal, and especially, they are
8 8 morphologically subcategorized for (or c-selects) a verb stem. core computation PF (visible) (27) a.... tabe ] VP -ta [+suff]... (PF merger OK) b.... tabe ] VP Q 0/max ] VP -ta [+suff]... (PF merger blocked --> Su-Support) su (18), (19) 1993 hazime(ru) (desidrative) ta(i) sase rare Sakai (1998a, b) reaches a similar conclusion, and in his latter work, he reinforces his argument against V-raising with recourse to scope facts. 4. Some consequences 4.1 /i/ Nishiyama 1998, 1999 (28)a (28)b (28) a. nami-ga taka-i b. nami-ga taka-katta (<-- taka-ku ar-ta) i ki katta ku+ar+ta ta ku+ar+ta ru ku+ar+ru (29)a (29)b ku ar(u) Q-particle ku ar+ru (29) a. *nami-ga taka-ku ar-u/taka-karu b. nami-ga taka-ku-mo/sae/wa ar-ru ku, ar, ru PF i (30) (30) /i/-suppletion: ku + ar + ru > i Halle & Marantz 1993 Late Insertion Distributed
9 9 Morphology ku, ar, ru PF i (30) i (31) a. kokorozasi-wa taka-ku ar-u beki da b. *kokorozasi-wa taka-i beki da (32) a. taka-ku ar-u hazu-no nedan-ga b. taka-i hazu-no nedan-ga (31) beki besi i ku+ar+ru (32) hazu i ku+ar+ru ku+ar+ru i i PF (31)a, (32)a taka-ku ar-u (33)a ku Takano 1996 light head ku A light head a Nishiyama 1999 ku predicate copula ku taka-ku ar-u (33)b (33)b ku+ar+ru i taka+ku+ar+ru T taka-i (33) a. b. After (successive) head-raising T T vp T vp T ap v ru ap v v T AP a ar AP a t a v ru A ku A t A a ar
10 10 taka t taka ku (No constituent exclusively dominates ku+ar+ru.) taka-ku ar-u Bobalijk 1995 PF (cyclicity) (extension requirement) PF (34)a c ku+ar+ru (34)c d ku+ar+ru i i (34) a. [ T [ vp [ ap [ AP taka ] ku ] ar] ru ] b. [ T [ vp [ ap [ AP taka ] ku ]] ar+ru] (merger of ar to ru) c. [ T [ vp [ ap [ AP taka ]]] ku+[ar+ru]] (merger of ku to ar+ru) d. [ T [ vp [ ap [ AP taka ]]] i ] (/i/-suppletion) (29)b Q-particle i (35) ar ru ku ar+ru Q-particle ku+ar+ru i (35) a. [ T [ vp [ ap [ ap [ AP taka ] ku ] -mo ] ar] ru] b. [ T [ vp [ ap [ ap [ AP taka ] ku ] -mo ]] ar+ ru] (merger of ar to ru) c. *[ T [ vp [ ap [ ap [ AP taka ]] -mo ]] ku+[ar+ ru]] (merger of ku to ar+ru blocked) 4.2 (36)a, b PF (36)a, b (36)c (36) a. Linearity is only relevant in PF. (Chomsky 1994, 1995) b. Only functional elements in the lexicon are subject to parametric variation. (the functional parametrization hypothesis by Fukui 1995, also cf. Borer 1984) => c. The morphological nature of functional elements in a given language determines its word order. Chomsky (36)a Kayne 1994 LCA (Linear Correspondence Axiom) PF Fukui (36)b Fukui & Takano 1998
11 11 (37) The Japanese tense morphemes -ru and -ta are suffixal (to the verb stem). (37) T VP (36)a T VP T T VP c-command T VP VP V 2 4 (37) (38)a d (38) With V-raising (head-parameter still necessary) a. T b. T VP T VP T OBJ t V V T [+suffixal] t V OBJ V T [+suffixal] c. T d. T T VP T VP V T [+suffixal] OBJ t V V T [+suffixal] t V OBJ (38)a d PF (39)a Fukui 1995 [+F, -L] sase rare hazime(ru) [+F, +L] (39)b
12 12 (39) a. Affixation (e.g. prefixation and suffixation) encodes linearity (at PF). b. All functional elements in Japanese are suffixal. [+suffixal] Lieber 1983, Speas 1991 PF (40) (40) Without V-raising (head-parameter unnecessary) C (SUBJ) T TP C [+suffixal] (C is morphologically subcategorized for T) VP T [+suffixal] (T is morphologically subcategorized for V 0 ) OBJ V T, C [+suffixal] T V C T PF (40) PF For Takano (1996) and Fukui & Takano (1998), the base order is SOV across languages, and head-initial orders (e.g. SVO and VSO) are the result of head-raising. Choice between their analysis and the one proposed here should be made in reference to facts of mixed order languages like Chinese as well as other facts of language variation (41)a (41)b
13 13 (41) a. tobi-agar(u), osi-hirak(u), naki-sakeb(u), b. harai-oe(ru), syaberi-tuzuke(ru), tabe-sugi(ru) (42) Q-particle (42) a. *tobi-mo-agar(u), *osi-sae-hirak(u), *naki-wa-sakeb(u), b. *harai-mo-oe(ru), *syaberi-sae-tuzuke(ru), *tabe-wa-sugi(ru) (morphological integrity) (43)a su (42)a (43)b su (43) a. *tobi-mo-si-agar(u), *osi-sae-si-hirak(u), *naki-wa-si-sakeb(u), b. harai-mo-si-oe(ru), syaberi-sae-si -tuzuke(ru), tabe-wa-si-sugi(ru) su PF PF (42) su (44) (44) Aspectual verbs in Japanese (e.g. oe, tuzuke, sugi, etc.) are all morphologically subcategorized for V; therefore, they are [+F] (as well as [+L]) elements Hoshi 1999, Saito 2000 Saito & Hoshi 1998 light verb θ (45)a, b ta(i) (45) a. boku-wa ringo-o tabe-ta-i (object marked with ACC) b. boku-wa ringo-ga tabe-ta-i (object marked with NOM) Saito, Hoshi ringo θ tabe (46)a ringo ta(i) (46)b ta(i) (46)a tabe ringo ringo tabe
14 14 (46)b tabe ta(i) ta(i) ringo ta(i) (46) a. A b. A boku-ga A boku-ga A VP A ringo-ga A PRO V V A V A ringo-o t V tabe [+ACC] ta [-ACC] tabe [+ACC] ta [-ACC] Saito, Hoshi (46)a (46)b Saito, Hoshi θ (46)b θ Bare Phrase Structure Theory ta(i) tabe V 0 V max ta(i) (45)a, b Q-particle mo (47)a, b Saito, Hoshi (47) a. (?)boku-wa ringo-o tabe-mo si-ta-i b.?*boku-wa ringo-ga tabe-mo si-ta-i cf. boku-wa ringo-o/ga tabe-ta-ku-mo ar-u Ringo (47)a mo (47)b tabe ringo VP ta(i) Saito, Hoshi ringo (46)a mo VP (47)b mo V 0 Q-particle (47)a tabe ringo θ mo (47)b mo Saito, Hoshi (46)b
15 Selected References Aoyagi, H. 1998a. Particles as adjunct clitics. NELS 28, Aoyagi, H. 1998b. On the Nature of Particles in Japanese and Its Theoretical Implications. PhD Thesis. University of Southern California. Baker, M Incorporation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Bobalijk, J Morphosyntax: the syntax of verbal inflection. PhD Thesis. MIT. Borer, H Parametric Syntax. Dordrecht: Foris Publications Chomsky, N Some notes on economy of derivation and representation. In Principles and Parameters in Comparative Grammar, ed. R. Freidin. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. (Reprinted as chapter 2 of Chomsky 1995) Chomsky, N Bare phrase structure. MIT Occasional Papers in Linguistics, 5. MIT. Chomsky, N The Minimalist Program. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Fukui, N The principles and parameters approach: a comparative syntax of English and Japanese. In Approaches to Language Typology, ed. M. Shibatani and T. Bynon. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Fukui, N. and Y. Takano Symmetry in syntax: merge and demerge. Journal of East Asian Linguistics, 7, Halle, M. and A. Marantz Distributed morphology and the pieces of inflection. In The View from Building 20, ed. K. Hale and S.J. Keyser. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Hoshi, H Complex predicate formation in Japanese: a (non-)configurational theory. MS. SOAS, University of London. Kageyama, T Bunpoo to Go-keisei. Kasukabe: Hitsuji Shoboo. Kayne, R The Antisymmetry in Syntax. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Koizumi, M Phrase Structure in Minimalist Syntax. PhD Thesis. MIT. Kuroda, S.-Y A Generative-Grammatical Studies of the Japanese Language. PhD Thesis. MIT. Kuroda, S.-Y Japanese Syntax and Semantics. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Lasnik, H Verbal morphology: Syntactic Structures meets the minimalist program. In Evolution and Revolution in Linguistic Theory, ed. H. Campos and P. Kempchinsky. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. Marantz, A Clitics, morphological merger, and the mapping to phonological structure. In Theoretical Morphology, ed. M. Hammond and M. Noonan. New York: Academic Press. Marantz, A Clitics and phrase structure. In Alternative Conceptions of Phrase Structure, ed. M. Baltin and A. Kroch. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Nishiyama, K A unified analysis of Japanese adjectives. Japanese/Korean Linguistics 8, Stanford, CSIL. Nishiyama, K Adjectives and the copulas in Japanese. Journal of East Asian Linguistics, 8, Pollock, J.-Y Verb movement, universal grammar and the structure of IP. Linguistic Inquiry, 20, Saito, M Predicate raising and theta relations. MS. Nanzan University. Saito, M. and H. Hoshi Control in complex predicates. MS. Nanzan University and SOAS, University of London. Sakai, H. 1998a. Feature checking and morphological merger. Japanese/Korean Linguistics 8, Stanford, CSIL. Sakai, H. 1998b. Kotenteki ruikeeron to hikaku toogoron. MS. Hiroshima University. 15
16 Sano, M On the direction of movement: a case study of LF movement of dake only. JELS, 15. Sells, P Korean and Japanese morphology from a lexical perspective. Linguistic Inquiry, 26, Shibatani, M Gengoruikeiron. In Eigogaku Taikei, 6, ed. M Shibatani, Y. Otsu, and A.Tsuda. Tokyo: Taishukan Publishers. Takano, Y Movement and Parametric Variation in Syntax. PhD Thesis, University of California, Irvine. Takano, Y Surprising constituents. MS. Kinjo Gakuin University. Travis. L Parameters and Effects of Word Order Variation. PhD Thesis. MIT. 16
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